déclaré à leur commandant que le but pour lequel elles ont été appelées a été atteint. Art. 16. La Porte Ottomane se réservant le droit de lever, par9 l'intermédiaire du gouverneur du Liban, les 3,500 bourses qui constituent aujourd'hui l'impôt de la Montagne, impôt qui pourra être augmenté jusqu'à la somme de 7,000 bourses lorsque les circonstances le permettront, il est bien entendu que le produit de ces impôts sera affecté avant tout aux frais d'administration de la Montagne et à ses dépenses d'utilité publique; le surplus seulement, s'il y a lieu, entrera dans les caisses de l'Etat. Si les frais généraux strictement nécessaires à la marche régulière de l'administration dépassaient le produit des impôts, la Porte aurait à pourvoir à ces excédants de dépenses. ¶ Mais il est entendu que, pour les travaux publics ou autres dépenses extraordinaires, la Sublime-Porte n'en serait responsable qu'autant qu'elle les aurait préalablement approuvés. Art. 17. Il sera procédé, le plus tôt possible, au recensement de la population par communes et par rite, et à la levée du cadastre de toutes les terres cultivées. Arrêté et convenu à Péra, le 9 juin 1861. Aali. Henry-L. Bulwer. Lavalette. Prokesch-Osten. Goltz. Lobanow. TÜRKEI und die fünf Grossmächte. No. 41. - Zusatz-Protokoll zur Uebereinkunft über die Verwaltung des Libanon, Konstantinopel, 9. Juni 1861. Protocole adopté par la Porte et les repésentants des cinq grandes puissances à la suite de l'entente à laquelle a donné lieu de leur part l'examen du projet de réglement élaboré par une commission internationale pour la réorganisation du Liban. Ce projet de réglement, daté du 1er mai 1861, 9. ayant été, après modifications introduites d'un commun accord, converti en réglement définitif, sera promulgué sous la forme de firman par S. M. I. le sultan, et communiqué officiellement aux représentants des cinq grandes puissances. L'art. 1er a donné lieu à la déclaration suivante faite par Son Altesse Aali-Pacha, et acceptée par les cinq représentants: ¶¶ Le gouverneur chrétien chargé de l'administration du Liban sera choisi par la Porte, dont il relèvera directement. Il aura le titre de mouchir, et il résidera habituellement à Deïr-el-Kamar, qui se trouve replacée sous son autorité directe. Investi de l'autorité pour trois ans, il sera néanmoins amovible, mais sa révocation ne pourra être prononcée qu'à la suite d'un jugement. Trois mois avant l'expiration de son mandat, la Porte, avant d'aviser, provoquera une nouvelle entente avec les représentants des grandes puissances. ¶¶ Il a été entendu également que le pouvoir conféré par la Porte à ce fonctionnaire, de nommer sous sa responsabilité les agents administratifs, lui serait conféré une fois pour toutes, au moment où il serait lui-même investi de l'autorité, et non pas à propos de chaque nomination. ¶ Relativement à l'article 10, qui a trait au procès entre les sujets ou protégés d'une puissance étrangère habitants de la Montagne d'autre part, il a été convenu mixte siégant à Beyrouth serait chargée de vérifier et es de protection. ¶¶ Afin de maintenir la sécurité et la e route de Beyrouth à Damas en tout temps, la Sublimeblockhaus sur le point de la susdite route qui lui paraîtra =. Le gouverneur du Liban pourra procéder au déTontagne lorsqu'il jugera les circonstances et le moment uin 1861. alwer. Lavalette. Prokesch-Osten. Goltz. A. Lobanow. Nr. 42. Inaugurations - Rede von Abraham Lincoln, Präsidenten - Vereinigten Staaten, vom 4. März 1861. the United States: ce with a custom as old as the Government itself, I to address you briefly, and to take, in your presence, by the Constitution of the United States, to be taken before he enters on the execution of his office." | I do essary at present for me to discuss those matters of adwhich there is no special anxiety or excitement. Ap exist among the people of the Southern States, that Fa Republican Administration their property and their security are to be endangered. There has never been se for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample eviary has all the while existed, and been open to their Found in nearly all the public speeches of him who now do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare urpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the inin the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful I have no inclination to do so." Those who nominated so with full knowledge that I had made this, and many , and had never recanted them. And more than this, platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves ar and emphatic resolution which I now read: "Remaintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and of each State to order and control its own domestic ng to its own jugdment exclusively, is essential to the on which the perfection and endurance of our political we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the -r Territory, nó matter under what pretext, as among es." I now reiterate these sentiments; and in doing pon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of susceptible, that the property, peace, and security of no case, be co controversy subject, oug humane juri case, surrend to provide b which guara privileges an official oath construe the do not choos enforced, I and private unrepealed. them held te inauguration period, fifter sion, admin conducted it with all this brief constitu A disruption dably attemp S 4 section are to be anywise endangered by the now incoming Administration. N I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution Ve and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause-as cheerfully to one section as to another. There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions: ¶ "No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." ↑ It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it, for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution-to this provision as much as any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause " shall be delivered up," their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not, with nearly equal unanimity, frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath? | There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority; but surely that difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him, or to others, by which, authority it is done. And should any one, in any case, be content that his oath shall go unkept, on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept? | Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guaranties that "the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States?" I take the official oath to-day, with no mental reservations, and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules. And while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to, and abide by, all those acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them, trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional. ¶ It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our national Constitution. During that period, fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens, have, in succession, administered the Executive branch of the Government. They have conducted it through many perils; and, generally, with great success. Yet, with all this scope for precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years, under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted. I hold, that in contemplation of universal law, and of the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is pressed, in the fundamental law of all national Governto assert that no Government proper ever had a provision for its own termination. Continue to execute all the of our national Constitution, and the Union will endure impossible to destroy it, except by some action not pronstrument itself. ↑ Again, if the United States be not a r, but an association of States in the nature of contract as a contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the it? One party to a contract may violate it-break it, so s it not require all to lawfully rescind it? Descending I principles, we find the proposition that, in legal connion is perpetual, confirmed by the history of the Union is much older than the Constitution. It was formed, in es of Association in 1774. It was matured and continued 1 of Independence in 1776. It was further matured, and ne then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation, in 1778. And ne of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing as "to form a more perfect union." But if destruction one, or by a part only, of the States, be lawfully possible, perfect than before, the Constitution having lost the vital ity. It follows from these views that no State, upon its can lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and t effect are legally void; and that acts of violence, within es, against the authority of the United States, are insurlutionary, according to circumstances. | I therefore con of the Constitution and the laws, the Union is unbroken; of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed - Doing this, I deem to be only a simple duty on my perform it, so far as practicable, unless my rightful masters, ple, shall withhold the requisite means, or, in some au-, direct the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will fend and maintain itself. | In doing this, there needs to or violence; and there shall be none, unless it be forced - authority. The power confided to me will be used to possess, the property and places belonging to the Governect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be e objects, there will be no invasion no using of force the people anywhere. Where hostility to the United terior locality, shall be so great and so universal as to resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there t to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that e strict legal right may exist in the Government to enforce the exercis calm thous to be conter Is it true, th denied? I t party can re single instand ever been d deprive a mi a moral poin were a vital and of indivi gotiation, gua never arise с a provision s practical adm of reasonable Shall fugitive The Constitu in the territo protect slave From que upon them i the majority native; for co other. If a n make a prece St 4. the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating, M and so nearly impracticable withal, I deem it better to forego, for the time, Ve the uses of such offices. | The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union. So far as possible, the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflection. The course here indicated will be followed, unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency, my best discretion will be exercised, according to circumstances actually existing, and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles, and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections. ¶¶ That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word to them. To those, however, who really love the Union, may I not speak? | Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step, while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to, are greater than all the real ones you fly from? Will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake? All profess to be content in the Union, if all constitutional rights can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right, plainly written in the Constitution, has been denied? I think not. Happily the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think, if you can, of a single instance, in which a plainly-written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied? If, by the mere force of numbers, a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly-written constitutional right, it might, in a moral point of view, justify revolution-certainly would, if such right were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them, by affirmation and negotiation, guaranties and provisions, in the Constitution, that controversies never arise concerning them. But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration. ¶¶ No foresight can anticipate, nor any document of reasonable length contain, express provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in the territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. From questions of this class spring all our controversies, as we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. If the minority will not acquiesce the majority must, or the Government must cease. There is no other alternative; for continuing the Government, is acquiescence on one side or the other. If a minority, in such case, will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which, in turn, will divide and ruin them; for a minor |