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ings for that purpose be held simultaneously on the 19th of February.

A Republican Convention was held at St. Louis February 22d, to name delegates to the National Convention at Chicago, and announce the position held by the party on national questions. This announcement was contained in the following series of resolutions:

Resolved, That sovereign political power in our great Commonwealth is vested in the people, and, under the Constitution of the United States, Congress is the representative of that sovereignty.

Resolved, That, in the words of the Declaration of Independence, all men are created equal, and that equal political rights to each and every citizen are the only safeguards of constitutional liberty, and to this end we indorse the reconstruction policy of Congress; and we, the representatives of the Radical Union men of Missouri, in convention assembled, stand ready to accept the responsibility and issues arising therefrom.

Resolved, That, we are in favor of the admission of the States lately in rebellion to full and complete representation in Congress, as soon as they shall give ample guarantees of their future loyalty and fealty to the Government, and of equal political rights to all citizens in such States.

Resolved, That as taxation must remain in proportion to our wealth, and in direct proportion to the value of our productions, we will support only those measures of political economy which tend to increase the agricultural, mechanical, and mineral productions of our country; that the doctrine of Great Britain, Prussia, and other European powers, that "once citizens, always citizens," must be resisted at all hazards by the United States, as a relic of the feudal times not authorized by the law of nations, and at war with our national honor and independence; naturalized citizens are entitled to be protected in all their rights of citizenship, as though they were natural born, and no citizen of the United States, native or naturalized, should be liable to arrest or imprisonment by any foreign power for acts done or words spoken in this country, and, if so arrested and imprisoned, it is the duty of this Government to interpose in behalf of such

citizen.

Resolved, That we, the Radical party of the State of Missouri, hereby express our preference for U. S. Grant, as candidate for President of the United States upon the national Republican platform.

The following resolutions were also adopted by the convention, and telegraphed to Secretary Stanton:

Resolved, That the law passed by the Congress of the United States, by the constitutional vote over the veto of the President, is a law of the land, to be obeyed by all, from the highest to the lowest, and that the acting President is as much bound by it as any citizen.

Resolved, That we send greeting to the Radical Congress, and to E. M. Stanton and General Grant, with the assurance that loyal Missouri to' a man will stand by them till acting President Johnson and every man of this country shall bow in obedience to the law of the land.

A similar convention of the Democracy was called by the State Central Committee to meet on the 28th of May, and appoint delegates to the New York Convention, but no platform was adopted at that convention, and a proposition to recommend the nomination of George H. Pendleton for the presidency failed to pass. The regular State Convention of the Republicans was held at Jefferson City on the 16th of July, and nominations for State offices were

made as follows: Governor, Hon. J. W. MeClurg, of Camden; Lieutenant-Governor, E. 0. Stanard, of St. Louis; Secretary of State, Francis Rodman, of St. Joseph; Treasurer, William Q. Dallmeyer, of Gasconade; Auditor, Daniel M. Draper, of Montgomery. The platform adopted was contained in the following resolutions:

1. Resolved, That we heartily approve the declsration of principles adopted by the Republican National Convention, and, believing that the election, upon these principles, of the chief defender of the laws to be their sworn executor will give peace and quiet to the land, and prosperity and happiness to the people, we pledge to its candidates, General Ulysses S. Grant and Schuyler Colfax, our hearty and united support.

2. That we thank the party called Democratic fir unmasking to the country its real designs by the nomination of men whose political creed finds its dee interpretation in the declarations which publicly threaten a new revolution, and propose to trample into the dust laws duly enacted; to disperse State governments constitutionally established, and to compel the Senate to submit to such an interpretstion of the Constitution as a dictator may give. We appeal to all good citizens of either party, who desire peace, order, and a government of law, to join in putting down this new cause of the rebellion and crushing the madmen who threaten to bring upon us another cruel war.

3. That we, the Republicans of the State of Missouri, particularly indorse the 3d, 4th, 5th, and th articles of the national platform, and reaffirm that the payment of the national debt is part of the ne tional honor; and good faith and justice are as ligatory upon governments as upon men; and that the spirit of the contract is more of its life even than its letter; and that we spurn and utterly condens the evasion of our national obligations, as proposed by the Democratic Convention, as ruinous to the tion's credit and its material interests.

4. That a disfranchisement based upon a difference of color only is neither just nor republican, and that we, therefore, unequivocally are in favor of the ad tion of the constitutional amendment now pending, that impartial suffrage may be established in Missouri, and that an unjust discrimination born of slavery, the cause of the rebellion, may be forever removed from the laws of the State.

5. That while we believe that the disfranchise with rebellion, was not only a legitimate and just ment of those who engaged in, aided, or sympathized consequence of their own conduct, but a necessary measure for the safety of the loyal people of this State, we cherish no revengeful feeling toward those who fought in fair and open battle though for an 12just cause, and stand ready to restore to them every political privilege, at the earliest moment, consistent with State and National safety.

6. That the payment of our seventeen millions of State debt left by former Democratic administrations, the appreciation of the bonds of the State from 38 cents in 1863 when they bore 86 per cent. interest overdue, to 91 cents without overdue interest in 1868: the enlargement of the School Fund; the restoration of the credit of the State, accomplished not only withgive proof the ability of the Radical party to so ma out increase, but with large reductions of taxation, age the finances of the State as to secure its prosper ty and guard its honor, and at the same time relieve the tax-payers of all unnecessary burden. administration of the Government, and that we ear 7. That we sternly insist upon the most economical nestly recommend to our friends the greatest care and circumspection in their nominations, for public offces, of men of established character and honesty.

The Democratic State Central Committee is sued a call on the 1st of June, designating the

5th of August for their State Convention, and recommending county meetings to be held on the 20th of July, to appoint delegates. The convention was held at St. Louis, and nominated John S. Phelps, for Governor; Norman J. Coleman, for Lieutenant-Governor; Bernard Poepping, for Secretary of State; J. A. Hackaday, Attorney-General; Charles C. Rossier, Auditor; Robert Hundthanen, Treasurer. The following is the platform as unanimously adopted:

The Democracy of Missouri, in convention assembled, looking only to living issues and cordially inviting the cooperation of every lover of constitutional liberty, regardless of past or present party associations, do, in view of the condition of the State and nation, proclaim and resolve as follows:

1. That we hail with unbounded satisfaction the nomination of Horatio Seymour and F. P. Blair for President and Vice-President of the United States

upon a platform of principles bold, earnest, sound, and truthful; that with fixed purpose and unconquerable zeal we will labor in this canvass to the end that our country may be redeemed, regenerated, and

disenthralled.

2. While we are willing to protect the colored race from every assault upon their natural rights, we are unalterably opposed to negro suffrage and negro equality, its logical sequence. The proposition now pending in this State to admit to the elective franchise the untutored African while thousands of intelligent, industrious, and law-abiding white men are excluded from the ballot-box, is a gross insult to our race and a ghastly mark of contempt for the commonest principles of justice. 3. That the declaration of the Missouri Radicals in their platform that they "cherish no revengeful feelings toward those who fought in fair, open battle, though for an unjust cause, and stand ready to restore to them every political privilege at the earliest moment consistent with State and national safety," is a transparent falsehood, in view of the fact that, though the reasoning of the United States Supreme Court in the adjudication of cases proves the Missouri test-oath unconstitutional, null, and void, this party of proscription still requires the oath to be administered, and is at the present moment reorganizing its political machinery through the infamous registration law to give a strained and unwarrantable interpreta

tion of that oath.

tempts to intimidate, the registration officers in the proper discharge of their official duties; that, supDemocracy are the party of law and order, and their porting and obeying all laws regularly enacted, the accession to power will give peace and tranquillity to this distracted land.

6. The condition of our State, no less than the true principles of political and official action, demands tures, the lessening of taxation, and, in short, the frugality and economy, the contraction of expendiadoption of a rigid policy of retrenchment and reform.

The registration of qualified voters took place in August and September. The provisions of faction by the conservative people of the State, the new law were regarded with great dissatisand, as the test-oath had been pronounced unconstitutional by the Supreme Court of the United States, it was argued by Democratic newspapers and orators that no citizen would be guilty of legal perjury who should take the oath; and then, if the name of such person was placed on the list of "rejected voters," it was said the burden of proof would fall on the registrars to show that he had been guilty of any disloyal act. The registrars, however, took a different view of the law, and absolutely refused, in many cases, to receive the names of persons who avowed themselves ready to subscribe to the required oath. This led to much bitter feeling, and in some cases to disturbances of the peace, though none of these disorders were of a very aggravated description. It was claimed that the number of persons, who applied for registration, answered all the questions of the registrars, and took the "oath of loyalty," and yet were disfranchised, was not less than twenty thousand, while the whole number disfranchised in the State was placed at thirty thousand.

At the election, which occurred in November, Joseph H. McClurg was chosen for Governor by a majority of 19,328, the whole vote being 144,887: for McClurg 82,107, for Phelps 62,780. The whole vote for presidential electors was 145,459, the majority in favor of the election of Grant being 25,883. The Legislature had again submitted to the vote of the people a proposition to strike the word "white" from the provisions of the constitution relating to the right of suffrage. The whole vote on this amendment was 129,289; 55,236 were given in favor of the change, and 74,053 against it: majority against negro suffrage, 18,817. Nine members of Congress were chosen at the same election, six of whom were Republicans.

4. We challenge the world to produce in the whole history of tyranny a parallel to the lawless violence, the harsh oppression, the grinding, inexorable despotism of the Radical party of Missouri in its dealings with the people. The rule of that party has brought utter demoralization into almost every branch of the public service, through its officials and honored representatives has robbed the State of millions of money, lavished countless thousands upon party favorites, and squandered thousands more on useless and extravacant expenditures. Murderers and thieves are eulogized as great citizens and Christian gentlemen; destroyers of a free press, and invaders of peaceful communities are held up for applause and public honor; the plunderers of the Treasury are unimpeached and A decision was given in the Supreme Court, unindicted; the perpetrators of matchless villanies at the March term, of some general interest, are welcomed as respectable members of radical whereby it was determined that the property Legislatures, radical caucuses, and radical conven- of Washington University was subject to tax5. That we enunciate as a legal proposition that ation by the State, notwithstanding a special every citizen of lawful age, having resided in the exemption expressed in its charter. At the State and county the length of time required by law, time the charter was granted there was nothing has the right of suffrage; but we urge upon every prohibiting the Legislature from allowing such loyal voter in the State to register and vote. While we demand a fair and impartial registration of all exemption, but the present constitution of the qualified voters under the law, we condemn and dis-State declares that "no property, real or percountenance any improper interference with, or at- sonal, shall be exempt from taxation, except

tions.

such as may belong to the United States, to this State, to counties, or to municipal corporations in this State." The legal question mooted was, whether the application of this provision to the property of the Washington University, after an exemption had been allowed by a former Legislature, would be a violation of that clause of the Federal Constitution which forbids the States to pass any law violating the obligations of contracts. The decision of Judge Wagner determines this question in the negative. The first monument to the memory of a public man ever erected in the State of Missouri was formally dedicated on the 27th of May, in Lafayette Square, in the city of St. Louis, when a fine statue of Thomas II. Benton was unveiled in the presence of a vast concourse of people. The day was observed as a public holiday in St. Louis, and an address was delivered by General Frank P. Blair, Jr., on the life and services of the illustrious Senator. The statue was raised at the instance of the State government, and at the public expense. The Legislature met on the last Monday in December, and was composed as follows:

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Rep. majority........ 16 The Governor, in his message, strongly recommended a modification of the test-oaths. MONAGAS, General José TADEO, President and Dictator of Venezuela from 1846 to 1859, and Provisional President of that Republic at the time of his death, born in Venezuela in 1786, died at Caraccas, Venezuela, November 18, 1868. Though of Spanish family, Monagas was from early youth devoted to his native country, and throughout the war which resulted in the independence of the South American provinces from the Spanish yoke he was the friend and comrade of Simon Bolivar, and fought under his leadership. He joined the ranks of the patriot army at the very commencement of the revolution, and soon won distinction by his bravery and ability as a military commander. His services, however, did not secure for him the political preferment which he evidently expected under the new order of things, General Paez being elected first President of Venezuela, and Monagas left altogether out of the Government. The result was that Monagas headed a military insurrection against the Government of Paez, but the attempt proved a failure. Paez was succeeded by Vargas as President, and for the second time Monagas raised the standard of revolt, meeting, however, with no better success than on the previous occasion, Paez again taking the field against him, and promptly putting down the insurrection. In 1846 the ambition of Monagas was gratified by his being elected President, to which Paez contributed his influence, in the hope of giving peace to the country; but two years after Monagas over

threw the Constitution and usurped dictatorial power, and caused Paez to be driven into exile. He ruled as dictator for eleven years, and was finally overthrown by a successful revolution in 1859, and compelled to retire to private life. The late civil war in Venezuela once more brought him prominently on the stage of action. Notwithstanding his extreme age, he assumed the leadership of the coalition formed against President Falcon, and, taking command of the insurrectionary army, soon compelled Falcon to abdicate and leave the country. On Falcon's departure, in the winter of 1868, Monagas assumed the office of Provisional President, becoming at the same time a candidate for the presidency, to which, had he lived, he would certainly have been elected. He was more remarkable for his energy and soldierly qualities than for any statesmanlike ability. He was one of the wealthiest citizens of Venezuela, his riches consisting principally in vast estates along the banks of the Orinoco, and immense herds of cattle.

MOREHEAD, Hon. CHARLES S., Governor of Kentucky from 1855 to 1859, and proxinent as a politician from that State for many years, born in Nelson County, Ky., in 182; died near Greenville, Washington County, M sissippi, December 23, 1868. He was incorrectly reported dead, after a long and severe ness, October 1, 1866, and a brief notice of his life was inserted in the ANNUAL CYCLOPEDIA for 1866. Educated at Transylvania Univer sity, his first entrance into political life was in 1828, when he was elected to represent the county of Christian in the State Legislature Filling the position of Attorney-General unl Governor J. T. Morehead in 1834-36, he in 1838, represented Franklin County in the Le gislature, and was Speaker of the House it 1840-41-43 and '44. In 1847 he was first elected to Congress from the Ashland District and reelected in 1849, participating as a promnent supporter of Mr. Clay in the memora compromise legislation of 1850. In 1853 be was again elected to the Legislature from Franklin. In 1855 he was a candidate for Governor, and was elected by a close rete over the late Hon. Beverly L. Clark. At an early date of his residence in Frankfort be published, in connection with Judge Mast Brown, a digest of the laws of Kentucky, it two volumes, which was in use until the ad tion of the new constitution. After serving out his term as Governor, he retired from political life, and devoted himself to the prac tice of his profession, removing from Frank fort to Louisville. In the spring of 1861 be was a member of the Peace Convention which met at Washington, and also of the Border State Convention which met in Frankfort, in May. In consequence of his endeavors to bring about the secession of Kentucky, and his earnest advocacy of the Southern cause, he was on the 19th of September, 1861, arrested at

his house near Louisville, at night, and taken to Fort Lafayette, New York Harbor, where for many months he was subjected to close imprisonment. This treatment elicited the sympathies of his friends to such a degree as finally to secure his release. Shortly after his discharge, he went to England, and continued to reside there during the remainder of the war. Upon the termination of hostilities he returned to the United States, and addressed himself with characteristic energy to his business,

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which had suffered terribly by the war. this purpose he removed from Kentucky to his plantation near Greenville, and, while he gave his personal attention to its management, engaged also in the practice of law. His health failed under the hot and unhealthy climate, and, coming North, he was attacked with that long and severe illness to which we have already referred. After his recovery he returned again to Mississippi, where he died of heart-disease.

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NARVAEZ, Don RAMON MARIA, Duke of Valencia, Marshal of Spain, a Spanish general and statesman, born at Loja, in Andalusia, August 4, 1800; died at Madrid, April 23, 1868. He entered the army at an early age, serving first, for some years, as a cadet in the Walloon Guards. He received his first commission as an officer at the age of twenty, and rose from that time rapidly, commending himself to his superiors both by his daring and skill. In 1820, when constitutional government was established in Spain, young Narvaez sided with the Liberal or Constitutional party; and when in 1822 an effort was made by a reactionary party of the royal guard to subvert the Constitution and restore the old despotism, he led the Liberals in the suppression of the mutiny. In the capture of Castelfollit at this time he was seriously wounded. Shortly after, having recovered from his wounds, he made the campaign of Catalonia, under Mina, against the guerrillas, who were assisted by the monks. In 1823 the imbecile Bourbon having invited a French army of intervention to enter Spain, Narvaez retired from active life, and withdrew to Loja, where he lived in obscurity until the death of Ferdinand VII., in 1832, when he returned to the army. In 1834, as captain of chasseurs, he maintained a hot struggle against the Carlists in the Basque provinces, and signalized himself in several engagements; being again wounded in the battle of Mendigorria. For his gallantry in this campaign he was promoted to be colonel of chasseurs, and, soon after to be brigadier-general. In 1836 he commanded a division under Espartero, and on the 25th of November of that year completely routed the Carlist leader, Gomez, at Majaceite, near Arcos. This was the turning-point in his career. He became very popular, aspired to the highest offices of the state, and was regarded as the rival of Espartero. In 1838, by measures of the most vigorous severity, he cleared the district of La Mancha of brigands, and restored tranquillity in that part of Spain. In 1840 he was appointed Captain-General of Old Castile, and general-in-chief of the army of reserve. When Espartero gave General Alaix a place in the ministry, Narvaez, who was a member of the Cortes for Seville, re

signed his command. On the formation of a revolutionary junta at Seville by Cordova in the summer of 1840, he repaired thither, and took part in the insurrection against Espartero; but, this attempt at revolution having been suppressed, he was compelled to fly, and found refuge in France, where he was shortly after joined by the Queen Maria Christina, who had been forced to abdicate in favor of the Infanta Isabella. In France Narvaez commenced, in conjunction with the ex-Queen, those plots against Espartero, who was then regent, which in July, 1843, culminated in his overthrow and escape to England. Narvaez hereupon returned, and, after depriving Espartero of all his titles, procured from the new Cortes a declaration that the Infanta Isabella II. was of age, and was himself appointed, November 8, 1843, Lieutenant-General of the kingdom. In March, 1844, the Queen-Dowager, Christina, returned to Spain, and the same year Narvaez was made president of the Council, and created Duke of Valencia. His whole course was reactionary; he restored the old despotism and abuses, and revised in the interest of absolutism the liberal Constitution of 1837. The party of progress was dissatisfied, and petty insurrections broke out, which he crushed with the iron hand. But his dictatorial manners finally alienated even his personal friends, and on the 10th of February, 1846, his ministry was overthrown. After a brief exile, as special ambassador at the French court, he returned to power in 1847, but was soon again dismissed, in consequence of his constant quarrels with Maria Christina. On the 20th of October, 1849, he was once more recalled and reinstated as president of the Council, his power being confirmed in 1850 by a popular vote. On the 10th of January, 1851, however, he was compelled by the Queenmother again to resign, and accept the appointment of ambassador to Vienna. In October, 1856, after Espartero's withdrawal from office and the overthrow of the brief O'Donnell ministry, Narvaez was again called to preside over the Cabinet, but without special office. He immediately began to use his power to strengthen the royal authority, and to restrict the liberty of the press. He also re

stored the concordat of 1851 with the Pope, and promulgated a general amnesty to the Carlist rebels of 1855 and 1856. Some of these measures alienated the sympathies of a considerable portion of the Conservative party, and on the 26th of October, 1857, he tendered his resignation, and a new ministry was formed under the presidency of Admiral Armero. In this ministry he at first accepted, but soon after declined, a seat. He now remained out of power till September 16, 1864, when he succeeded the Marquis de Miraflores as chief of the Cabinet, and rendered himself again popular by the repression of the insurrectionary movement in St. Domingo in January, 1865. Late in 1865 Marshal O'Donnell succeeded in overthrowing his ministry, but in July, 1866, he was dispossessed of power in his turn, and Narvaez again took the reins, which he relinquished only with his death.

NAVY OF THE UNITED STATES. The reduction of the naval force created during the late war is still continued. During the year 1868, twenty-two vessels, carrying 208 guns, were withdrawn, leaving, as still attached to the navy, 206 vessels, carrying 1,743 guns. Of this number there are 52 iron-clads, carrying 129 guns; 95 screw-steamers, carrying 938 guns; 28 paddle-wheel steamers, carrying 199 guns; and 31 sailing-vessels, carrying 477 guns. The entire active force is divided into six squadrons, known as the European, the Asiatic, the North Atlantic, the South Atlantic, the North Pacific, and the South Pacific. These squadrons have been kept in such active service as to exhibit the flag of the country in every port where its commerce had penetrated. At no period have the power and prestige of the navy been more honored and respected than at present. The general purpose of the department in regulating this branch of the service is stated to have been, that one or more of the naval vessels should visit annually every commercial port where American capital is employed, and that an armed ship should not be long absent from the vicinity of every merchant-ship which might need assistance or protection.

The European squadron was in charge of Admiral D. G. Farragut, who left it in November under the charge of Commodore A. M. Pennock. The vacancy was subsequently filled by RearAdmiral William Radford. It consisted of the Franklin, 39 guns; Ticonderoga, 9; Swatara, 10; Frolic, 5; Guard, 3. During the period of his command, Admiral Farragut made one of the most distinguished and interesting cruises in naval history. He left Lisbon in November, 1867, where the usual courtesies had been exchanged, and where, by invitation, he, with many of his officers, had been been received by the King and Queen of Portugal and Dom Fernando, and proceeded along the coasts of Spain, France, and Italy, touching at Gibraltar, Carthagena, Port Mahon, Toulon, Villefranche, and Spezia, at each of which places he was the recipient of many courtesies and attentions.

On the occasion of an excursion to Madrid he was eordially welcomed by the Queen and Kingconsort and other high officials.

At Port Mahon, where he arrived in December, his reception was peculiar. Each village in Minorca through which he passed was profuse in compliments, and in many instances sent out deputations to meet him as a descendant of one of their ancient families, his father having been a native of and emigrant from Ciudadela in that island.

When the Franklin was at Spezia, Admiral Farragut visited Florence, Venice, and Genoa. He dined at Florence with his Majesty Victor Emmanuel, and was entertained by many distinguished officials, both of Italy and other countries, at each of the places named. From Spezia he proceeded to Naples, where he arrived in March.

While on a visit to Rome, he was received by the Prime Minister, and presented to his Holiness the Pope. He left Naples April 6th, and, touching at Messina and Syracuse, arrived at Malta on the 12th. He was there joined by the Ticonderoga and Frolic, and his departare on the 18th was marked by unusual honors. The squadron was followed to sea by Vice-Admiral Paget, commanding her Britannic Msjesty's fleet in the Mediterranean, in his flagship, the Caledonia, which passed close alongside, the crews manning the rigging and cheering, and the band playing "Hail Columbia" The other vessels of the fleet passed successively, extending similar courtesies. When all hal passed, Admiral Paget hoisted the American flag at the main and fired a salute of seventeen guns. These courtesies were acknowledged by the crew of the Franklin, who manned the yards; the band played "God save the Queen." and the salute was returned.

Admiral Farragut returned to Lisbon on the 28th of April, and, after taking in supplies, proceeded to Holland. He arrived at Flushing in June, where he remained until the 21st. With a number of his officers he visited, on invitation, his Majesty King Leopold, at Brussels and dined with him. Subsequently his Ma jesty, accompanied by the Queen and attendants, was received on board the Franklin at Ostend. From Brussels he made a short tour to Liege and Essen, and proceeded from thence to Southampton, where he left the Franklin. and made a tour to the north, passing through London, York, Newcastle, Edinburgh, and Glas gow, and rejoined the Franklin in July. On his tour he received every attention from the authorities of the respective places visited, and inspected the dockyards and other establishments of interest to naval officers.

On the 10th of July the Franklin was visited officially by the Duke of Edinburgh, captain of her Britannic Majesty's ship Galatea, and or the 12th Admiral Farragut and other officers dined with him, many distinguished persons of England being present. The Prince of Wales and his brother, the Duke of Edinburgh, visited

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