Seventy-three præsides, governors of provinces; forty-two in the East, and three in the West.

V. Perfectissimi.

This title was invented by Constantine; we find it, indeed, made use of in a law of Diocletian, but it was Constantine who introduced it into his classification of ranks, and divided the perfectissimi into three grades. The title was given,

To the præsides, or governors, of Arabia, Isauria, and Dalmatia.

To the rationales, collectors of the public revenues in the provinces. To the magistri scriniorum, heads of the offices of the court of the sacred largesses.

To the counts of the sacred largesses, or imperial collectors and paymasters in the provinces.

And to many other persons in the public service.

VI. Egregii.

This last title was very common; it appertained to all the imperial secretaries, to all the persons employed in the offices of the various governors of the provinces, to priests, to the crown lawyers, and to a whole host of other persons.

III.

Narrative of the Embassy sent in 449 to Attila, by Theodosius the Younger, Emperor of the East.

INTRODUCTION.

There is scarcely any feature of the history of this period which it were more interesting to be thoroughly acquainted with, than the relations of the Roman emperors with the barbarians, the Germans, Huns, Slavonians, &c., who pressed upon their frontiers. A knowledge of this can alone enable us to form anything like a precise and accurate idea of the comparative state of Roman and of barbarian civilization. Unfortunately, the materials of this knowledge are very deficient; we have upon the subject little more than mere sentences, paragraphs, scattered throughout the Latin chroniclers, the confused traditions of the German tribes, or some old poems which, in their present form, are evidently greatly posterior to the fourth and fifth century. The narrative of the embassy sent in 449 by Theodosius the Younger to Attila, at that time master of the whole of Germany, and himself established on the Danube, is, unquestionably, the fullest and most instructive of the monuments remaining to us of this branch of history; the only one, in fact, which shows us the interior of the states, and the life of a barbarian chief, and enables us to examine closely, and, as it were, in person, his relations with the Romans: the narrative itself is of the highest authenticity; it formed part of the history of the war against Attila, in seven books, written by the sophist Priscus, of Panium in Thrace, a member of the embassy; it has come down to us among the Excerpta legationum, inserted in the first volume of the Collection of Byzantine historians, and which formed the 53rd book of a great historical collection made by one Theodosius, by order

of Constantine VI. Porphyrogenitus (911-959). I here present you with a literal translation of this interesting production. The narrative, it is true, relates to the empire of the east, not to that of the west, and to Hun barbarians, not to German barbarians: but the relative situation of the two empires and of the two classes of barbarians at this period was very nearly the same; the social state and manners of the Fluns, notwithstanding the diversity of origin and of language, very closely resembled, in general outline, at all events, those of the Germans. We may, therefore, in the absence of documents specially relating to the Germans or to the west, regard the narrative before us, as a tolerably faithful image of the relations of the expiring empire with its future conquerors:

448-449.

Embassy of Attila to Theodosius. Plot of Chrysaphus the Eunuch to take away the life of Attila by means of Edeco and Vigilius. Embassy of Theodosius to Attila. Details as to the manners of the Huns; their mode of life, &c.

The Scythian Edeco, who had performed great military exploits, again came with Orestes, in quality of envoy; the latter, a Roman by birth, lived in Pæonia, a country situate on the Savus, and which, in virtue of the treaty with Etius, general of the western Romans, was now subject to the barbarian.

This Edeco, on being admitted into the palace, presented to the emperor letters from Attila, in which the barbarian complained that the deserters from his camp had not been brought back to him, and threatened to resume hostilities unless they were forthwith restored; and, moreover, unless the Romans at once abstained from cultivating for themselves the territory which the fortune of war had added to his dominions. Now this territory extended along the Danube from Pæonia to Thrace; its breadth was fifteen days march. Moreover, the barbarian required that the great market should no longer be held, as heretofore, on the banks of the Danube, but at Naissus, which town, taken and sacked by him, and distant from the Danube five days rapid march, was situate, he said, at the limit of the Scythian and Roman states. Finally, he ordered that ambassadors should be sent to him, men not of common birth and dignity, but consular personages, to receive whom, he added, he would come as far as Sardica.

These letters having been read, Edeco quitted the presence in company with Vigilius, who had acted as interpreter of the words of Attila; and after having visited the other apartments, repaired to that of Chrysaphus, servant of the emperor, and in great favour and authority with him.

The barbarian had greatly admired the magnificence of the imperial abode. Vigilius, who still accompanied him as interpreter, repeated to Crysaphus his expressions of praise of the imperial palace, and his feeling that the Romans must be very happy by reason of their vast wealth. Chrysaphus hereupon told Edeco that he might himself have a similar abode, splendidly decorated, with gilded ceilings, and be placed in possession of every other advantage he might desire, if he would quit Scythia to reside at Rome. Edeco replied that it was not permissible to the servant of a foreign prince to take this step without his master's sanction. The eunuch asked him whether ho ad easy access to Attila, and what power he was invested with in his own

country. Edeco replied, that he and Attila were upon terms of familiar intercourse, and that he was one of the guards who took it in turn to keep watch over that prince in his abode. The eunuch then said, that if Edeco would do a certain service for him, he would confer upon him very important advantages; but that, as the affair required deliberation, he would communicate it to him after he had taken supper, if he would then return to his apartment without Orestes and his other fellow ambassadors. The barbarian promised to do so; and, accordingly, after he had supped, again presented himself to Chrysaphus.

After they had, by means of the interpreter Vigilius, exchanged mutual oaths, the eunuch, not to propose anything to the detriment of Edeco, but solely what should be to his great advantage, the latter not to reveal what should be proposed to him, even though he should not execute it, the eunuch told Edeco that if on his return to Scythia, he would kill Attila, he should pass the rest of his life in affluence and luxury. Edeco consented to the proposition, and said that he should want some money to effect the business, about fifty pounds in gold, to divide among the soldiers under his orders, and in other ways to facilitate his proceedings. The eunuch offered to give him the amount he named at once; but the barbarian said that, in the first place, it would be advisable to send him back, accompanied by Vigilius, to give Attila the answer that should be determined upon respecting the deserters; that then he and Vigilius would consult further upon the best mode of executing the design, and that this being settled, Vigilius should come for the money; this, he said, would be better than for him to take the gold with him, seeing that, immediately upon his return, in the first instance, Attila would assuredly interrogate him and his fellows as to whether they had received any presents, and as to how much money the Romans had given them, and that in such case, were he to take the money at once, it would be impossible for him to keep the fact a secret, by reason of his companions. The eunuch admitted the soundness of the barbarian's view' of the matter, and acted upon it.

After that Edeco had taken his leave, Chrysaphus repaired to the emperor's privy council, who immediately sent for Martial, the minister of the offices and communicated to him the agreement entered into with the barbarian for it was the very nature of his post that he should be made acquainted with the matter, he being on all occasions a confidential adviser of the emperor, and having under his orders all the couriers and interpreters, and all the troops entrusted with the guard of the palace. The emperor and Martial having considered the whole affair, it was determined to send to Attila not only Vigilius, but Maximin also, as ambassador. Vigilius, whose ostensible office was that of interpreter, was to fulfil the directions of Edeco; while Maximin, who knew nothing of the real affair in hand, was to deliver the emperor's letter to Attila.

The emperor's letter was to the effect, that he had sent Vigilius as interpreter, and had selected Maximin as his ambassador, who was superior to Vigilius in rank, being of illustrious birth, and employed about his own person in many affairs; that it was not fitting that Attila, violating treaties, should invade the Roman territory; that he had already sent back to him a great many deserters, and now forwarded seventeen more, being all that remained of those who had come over to him.

Besides these things which were set forth in the letter, Maximin has

ordered to ask Attila, by word of mouth, not to request men of higher rank to be sent to him as ambassadors; adding, that the predecessors of the emperor had been accustomed to send to those who heretofore ruled in Scythia, merely one of their soldiers who had become a prisoner of Rome, or any other private messenger who was capable of repeating that which he was told to say. That with reference to the other matters which still kept up dissension between them, he would suggest that Attila should send him Onegeses as an envoy; that it was impossible Attila could properly receive a consular personage in a devastated place like Sardica.

Maximin having, at the earnest request of the emperor, undertaken the proposed embassy, asked me to accompany him, and we departed with the barbarians, and proceeded to Sardica, which is thirteen days rapid march from Constantinople. On our arrival, we invited Edeco and some other principal barbarians to dine with us. Several oxen and sheep furnished by the inhabitants of the place were slaughtered and prepared in various ways, and everything being ready, we sat down to our repast. During the banquet, the barbarians exalted Attila to the skies, and we the emperor. Vigilius imprudently went the length of saying that it was not fitting to compare a man with a god; that the emperor was a god, and Attila only a The Huns took this in very ill part, and by degrees became inflamed with the fiercest anger. We endeavoured to turn the conversation, and to appease them by soft words, which we at length succeeded in doing.

man.

On rising from table, Maximin, desirous of conciliating by presents Edeco and Orestes, gave them silk garments and precious stones of India. Orestes, Edeco having withdrawn, said to Maximin that he was the wise and prudent man who took care not to do as so many others did, and who avoided anything that might be offensive to kings. We found out afterwards that some of our people, neglecting Orestes, had invited Edeco to supper, and loaded him with presents. At the time, ignorant of this circumstance, and not understanding what Orestes meant, we asked him how and in what he had been treated displeasingly; but he gave us no answer, and quitted us.

Next day, on continuing our journey, we related to Vigilius what Orestes had said. He observed that the latter had no right to complain of not obtaining the same honcurs with Edeco; that he was but a servant, a common secretary of Attila, whilst Edeco, a Hun by birth, and famous for his military exploits, far surpassed him in dignity. He then addressed Edeco in the native language of the latter, and afterwards told us, whether it was true or false I know not, that he had repeated to Edeco what we had mentioned. Edeco became so angry that we had great difficulty in tranquillizing him.

On arriving at the town of Naissus, which had been taken and destroyed by the enemy, we found no inhabitants there except a few invalids, who had taken refuge in the ruins of the temples. Proceeding thence into the desert plains at some distance from the river, the banks of which were covered with the bones of those who had been killed during the war, we arrived at the abode of Agintheus, chief of the soldiers of Illyria, who dwelt not far from Naissus. We had with us orders from the emperor for him to deliver up to us five deserters, who were to complete the number of seventeen, mentioned in the letter to Attila. We went to Agintheus and applied for VOL. II.

EE

them; and after he had addressed some words of consolation to them, ha made them depart with us.

It was scarcely yet day when we crossed the mountains of Naissus towards the Danube. We arrived, after many turnings and windings, in a certain town which was still dark. We thought that our road should turn towards the west; but as soon as it was day, the rising sun presented itself before our eyes. Ignorant of the position of this place, we exclaimed, as if the sun, which we saw in front of us, was following another than its accustomed course, and thus indicated commotion in the regular course of things; but it was because of the inequalities of places that this part of the route turned towards the east.

From this place, by a steep and difficult road, we descended into the swampy plains. There the barbarian boatmen received us in canoes, made of a single piece, which they construct from the trunks of trees cut and scooped out, and they passed us over the river. It was not for our passage that these canoes had been prepared, but for that of a multitude of barbarians whom we met upon the road, for Attila seemed marching to the invasion o the frontiers of the empire, as to a hunting party. Such were the preparations for war against the Romans, and the deserters not yet being given up, merely served as a pretext for commencing it.

After having passed the Danube, and having proceeded with the barbarians the distance of fifteen stadia, they made us stop in a plain, to wait while Edeco went to announce our arrival to Attila.2 The barbarians who were to be our guides still remained with us. Towards night, while we were at supper, we heard the sound of approaching horses: two Scythian warriors soon appeared, who ordered us to repair to Attila. We invited them first to partake of our supper; they descended from their horses, supped with us, and the next day marched before us to show us the road. About the eighth hour of the day we arrived at the tent of Attila.3 There were also a large number of others. As we wished to plant ours on a certain hill, the barbarians hastened to prevent us, because those of Attila were placed in a valley on the side. We left them to decide at their will where our tents were to be pitched.

There soon arrived Edeco, Scotta, Orestes, and some other principal Scythians, who demanded with what object we had undertaken this embassy. We mutually looked at each other, astonished at so ridiculous a question. They still insisted, and assembled in a crowd and tumult to force an answer from us. We answered that the emperor had commanded

They probably passed the Danube near the small town of Aquæ, whose environs, situated between a chain of mountains and the river, must have been marshy; perhaps it was at the confluence of the Marcus with the Danube.

2 This plain must be in the Bannat of Temeswar; the tents of Attila were, therefore, probably pitched between the Themes and the Danube.

3 Reckoning an hour's march at a league, their tents would be about nine leagues from the Danube. The great number of boats already prepared upon the Danube for the passage of troops, and the multitude of barbarians whom the ambassadors had met, induce me to believe that they were not, in fact, more distant from it.