doubt but he showed it to you. His reasoning is very good, and I wish it may all happen as he desires. I am sure nobody would venture more than myself for the keeping a good correspondence between England and Holland, for I think without it we are all undone; but to that end we must not pretend to wash a Blackamoor white, which I take the business of the barrier to be; but I see that Lord Somers, Lord Halifax, and all our friends, think it practicable, so that I hope at last Lord Townshend will be able to bring it to a happy conclusion."

In a similar strain of cordiality he likewise gratifies the duchess with the information, that he will write to the queen in conformity with her entreaties; and that he may not be considered as too timid and lukewarm, he says he will previously send the draught for her and the lord treasurer's approbation, and requests to have it returned with such alterations as they shall think fit, desiring it might be shown to no other person but to Lord Sunderland. By his subsequent correspondence we find that the draught having been sent and returned corrected, he fulfilled his promise, by transmitting the intended letter to the queen; and we have no doubt, though this letter is missing, that it contained a severe remonstrance on her usage of the duchess, and her partiality to Mrs. Masham.

The account of this victory was received in England with mixed sensations of triumph on the side of his friends, and of blame on that of his enemies. In public, a general joy seemed to prevail; the queen, though secretly indifferent to his successes, could not avoid manifesting exultation at the triumph of her arms, and ordering a day of thanksgiving. Godolphin, in consequence of this auspicious event, obtained a loan from the bank, which he had before solicited in vain ; and all the true friends of England, as well as the partisans of the victorious general, lauded his military talents with increasing enthusiasm. But his numerous slanderers, both in the court and the country, cast upon him the most bitter reproaches, censuring the attack as rash and imprudent, and as a wanton sacrifice of so many gallant men to his personal ambition, without any solid advantage. Aggravated accounts of the killed and wounded were eagerly circulated, and the dreadful carnage of the left wing was attributed more to an inordinate lust of conquest in the British commander, than to its real cause. This calumny was as cruel as it was unfounded; for the rash attack of the prince of Orange was

contrary to his instructions, and had he adhered to the skilful dispositions issued in the general orders, he would have equally succeeded, and have spared a carnage which swept away the flower of the Dutch infantry, amounting to no less than 8000 men.* Had this chosen body of veterans been reserved, the number of killed and wounded would have been diminished nearly one-half, and detachments of infantry might have been sent in sufficient force to intercept the retreat of the enemy. This false report had a free circulation, because the duke, from delicacy to the prince of Orange, could not attribute the disaster to its real cause.

With as little delay as possible, after this dreadful conflict, Mons was invested. On the 11th, the duke encamped in the vicinity of Belian, and Eugene, in his former position, at Quaregnon. The 15th was, to use his own expression, observed very devoutly throughout the whole army as a day of thanksgiving to Almighty God for the victory, and the evening concluded with a triple discharge of artillery and small

arms.

After taking the necessary measures for the transport of the artillery from Brussels, as well as for the regular supply of ammunition and stores, the two confederate generals crossed the Trouille; Marlborough, with the covering army, encamped at Havre, and Eugene took up his quarters near Mons, to superintend the operations of the siege. The immediate direction of the attacks was intrusted to the prince of Orange, and a force of 30 battalions and as many squadrons was appointed for that service. From the distance of the French army, and the scantiness of the garrison, the besiegers did not deem it necessary even to draw a line of circumvallation. The only impediments to the formation of immediate approaches were the continuance of the violent rains, and the delays of the convoys with the heavy artillery. These having at length arrived from Brussels, the trenches, after some preparatory operations, were opened on the 25th of September, and two attacks formed against the gates of Bertiamont and Havre. This operation was interrupted by a sally of the garrison, in which General Cadogan was dangerously

* We cannot avoid remarking, that Villars states the number of the Dutch killed in these attacks at not less than 20,000 men, probably more than the whole number of Dutch infantry in the army.

wounded, a circumstance of deep concern to the sensitive mind of Marlborough, whose anxiety, as appears in his letters, did not subside until this gallant officer was declared in a state of convalescence.

Meanwhile, reinforcements were drawn from the neighbouring garrisons to supply the losses in the battle, and the siege was vigorously prosecuted, notwithstanding the marshy nature of the ground, deluged by a succession of heavy rains. The approaches were pushed with celerity, and on the 9th of October a lodgment was effected on the covert-way on both attacks, with a loss of no more than 100 men. A heavy fire was continued on the place, and the trenches were carried forward with success until the 16th, when a lodgment was effected on the second counterscarp.

Among those who signally distinguished themselves during these operations, we may record the name of the gallant duke of Argyle, who was foremost in every situation of danger, and exposed his person like the meanest soldier. On one occasion, he joined an attacking corps at the moment when they were shrinking from the onset; and pushing among them, open breasted, he exclaimed, "You see, brothers, I have no concealed armour-I am equally exposed with you; I require none to go where I shall refuse to venture. ber, you fight for the liberties of Europe and the glory of your nation, which shall never suffer by my behaviour, and I hope the character of a Briton is as dear to every one of you." His spirit animated the soldiers; the assault was made, and the work was carried.

Remem

On the 17th, at seven in the morning, the gate of Bertiamont was forced, as well as the ravelin, and an adjacent outwork, without the loss of a single man. This successful attack, which facilitated the further operations, was made under the inspection of Marlborough himself, who accele

*This anecdote is taken from a singular book, "The Memoirs of Mrs. Christian Davies," commonly called Mother Ross, who served as a common soldier in an English regiment of horse till her sex was discovered by a wound she received. She then continued to follow the camp as a sutler, and was several times rewarded for her exemplary courage and spirit. We should not quote the book as military authority, but, as she seems to have been an eye-witness of some of the duke of Argyle's gallant actions, we think her testimony, in this respect, worthy of credit.

rated the crisis by the impulse of his personal activity. After a tremendous fire from the batteries on the 20th, the breaches were declared practicable.

The danger to which Mons was reduced roused the French commander to make an attempt for its relief, or at least to interrupt the progress of the besiegers. Berwick, who was hastily recalled from Briançon, where he was stationed at the close of the campaign against the duke of Savoy, joined the main army under Boufflers on the 18th, near Quesnoy, and reconnoitred the allied camp; he found them posted with the left toward the Upper Trouille, and the right toward the Haine, their front covered by woods and marshes, and deemed the position too strong for him to risk the consequences of an attack.*

While, however, the French commanders were reconnoitring and performing manoeuvres, as if they menaced an immediate attack, Mons was vigorously pushed, breaching batteries opened against the body of the place, and, to escape the effect of an immediate assault, the governor beat a parley, and surrendered with such marks of honour as the confederate generals allowed. Of the 3500 men, who originally composed the garrison, a great number were killed or wounded, and many of the Walloons joined the besiegers; only 1500 men took advantage of the capitulation, to be conducted to Namur and Maubeuge.

By the capture of Mons, and the other conquests on the Lys and the Dyle, the great towns in Brabant and Flanders, the protection of which had previously occasioned much trouble, were entirely covered. The frontiers of the Dutch and the adjacent provinces were also exempted from the burden of supplying encamping and foraging armies; and the French were at length circumscribed within their own limits, and reduced to the resources which they could draw from their own territories.

On the loss of Mons, the French troops were divided into two bodies. Berwick, with 50 battalions and 100 squadrons, took post to cover Maubeuge; and Boufflers, with the rest of the army, protected Valenciennes and Quesnoy, in order to prevent any new operation of the allies. Their precautions were, however, groundless. The heavy rains, the advanced season of the year, the losses of the campaign, and the sick*Mémoires de Berwick.

ness which was the consequence of the siege of Mons, prevented the allies from attacking Maubeuge, which Marlborough had much at heart. On the 26th the confederate generals moved from the camp before Mons, passed the Haine, and encamped at Thieusies, where they celebrated a solemn thanksgiving for the capture of Mons. They separated on the 28th for winter quarters, the English marching to Ghent, the Danes to Bruges, the Prussians to the Meuse, and the remainder of the army to Brussels, Louvain, and the neighbouring towns of Brabant. Eugene and Marlborough repaired to Brussels, and from thence to the Hague, by different routes.*

During his continuance at the Hague, Marlborough, in concert with Eugene, made the necessary arrangements for the future campaign, and stimulated the Dutch to concur in the vigorous prosecution of the war. He likewise joined with the republic in representing to the states of the empire the necessity of furnishing their respective quotas, since they demanded, as the terms of peace, no less than the three bishoprics of Metz, Toul, and Verdun, with Alsace and Franche Comté. He also obtained from Prince Eugene a solemn promise that his imperial master would join in pressing the states and princes of the empire punctually to fulfil their engagements. He arranged likewise the proper means for extinguishing the war in the north, or at least for preventing its extension into the empire, and affecting the interests of the grand alliance. Finally, he concerted with Eugene measures for despatching such a powerful reinforcement into Spain as would enable the confederates no longer to confine themselves to defensive warfare, but to undertake such operations as were likely to decide the fate of this protracted

contest.

CHAP. LXXXIV,-OPERATIONS ON THE RHINE. — 1709. THE great effort of both powers being made in the Netherlands, the other parts of the theatre of war were of little importance.

*Correspondence. Lediard. Vie de Marlborough. History of Europe. Mémoires de Berwick. Brodrick, &c.

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