to the outburst of passions, to the religious dissensions and to the civil wars which had been born of the Revolution and had spread disorder throughout society. Religion alone could check this disorder, and recourse was therefore had to the Sovereign Pontiff to obtain by his intervention the reconciliation of opinions and of hearts. At his voice the elements of discord had vanished as well as all the obstacles which malevolence might oppose to peace. The French nation was, therefore, exhorted to be united for the happiness of their country and to consider as their bond of union the religion which had civilized Europe.55

In Paris the announcement of the Concordat was accompanied with a display calculated to produce a deep impression on the minds of the people. At an early hour a procession was formed of the principal functionaries of the city, escorted by detachments of cavalry, which passed through the streets and halted at twelve places, at each of which the secretary of the préfecture de police read Bonaparte's proclamation and the "Law of the 18th Germinal an X, relating to the organization of public worship," the official title by which the Concordat and the Articles Organiques were designated. Large crowds assisted at this demonstration, with every sign of interest and satisfaction, while the canon of Les Invalides thundered forth a salute of sixty guns, which was answered by a battery on the Place du Carrousel.

The celebration of the feast at Notre Dame was carried out with a splendor such as Paris had not seen since the days of the monarchy. From the Palace of the Tuileries to the Cathedral the streets had been lined with troops, through which passed the long train of generals, statesmen and foreign diplomatists whom the First Consul had invited to attend the ceremony. Many of them, especially his former equals, the generals, were bitterly hostile to the reëstablishment of religion in France, and had attempted to resist, but they had been forced to submit to his strong will. The Ambassadors, too, at first intended to decline the invitation, as it is not the custom for the diplomatic body to accompany a sovereign when going to assist at a religious function, and they also feared that they might not be treated with the respect due to their rank. In the end, however, they thought it more prudent to yield rather than offend a man with such a violent temper as Bonaparte. The procession was headed by the consular guard, composed of picked men, which was soon to change the name for that of the imperial guard. It was followed by the carriages of the Councillors of State, by those of the Ambassadors and of the Ministers. The carriages of the Second and

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Third Consuls, which were filled with their secretaries and friends, preceded that of Bonaparte, which was drawn by eight horses and in which sat the three Consuls, wearing their official uniform of scarlet velvet, trimmed with gold. On each side rode generals who were already celebrated and who were, later on, to become marshals of the empire.

At the door of the Cathedral the Consuls were received by the Archbishop of Paris and his clergy with the same ceremony of the presentation of incense and holy water as was customary under the monarchy. The Consuls took their place under a splendid canopy of crimson velvet and gold opposite the throne on which the Legate sat. The Cardinal then began a Low Mass. After the Gospel twenty-four of the newly appointed Bishops took the oath to the First Consul. A sermon was then preached by the Archbishop of Tours, Mgr. Raymond de Boisgelin, and at the end of the Mass the "Te Deum" of Paesiello, intoned by the Cardinal, was chanted, to the accompaniment of the military bands and of two orchestras, one led by Méhul, the other by Cherubini, the greatest musicians of the day. 57

After ten years of schism, during which the Church underwent as sanguinary a persecution as any of those inflicted by the Roman Emperors, France was at last officially reconciled to the Church. The First Consul, however, to whom was due the peace enjoyed by the Church, had taken care, both in the Concordat and in the Articles Organiques, to forge bonds for the clergy which should impede the freedom of its action on society and render it as much as possible subservient to his will, to be used merely as an instrument for the furtherance of his own interests. This became still more evident under the empire, to the establishment of which all his acts were then tending, and his ambition even led him to prevail on the aged Pius VII. to undertake the long and fatiguing journey to Paris in order to give by his presence greater lustre to the inauguration of the new dynasty.

T

ENGLAND AND THE SULTΑΝ.

HE party now supreme in Turkey-the Young Turks-has its delegates in the various capitals of Europe to advocate the principles and methods by which it hopes, or pretends to hope, for the reconstruction of the empire in terms of Western civilization and constitutional monarchy. They have been received with interest and sympathy, particularly in London. In other chief towns revolutionaries or patriotic visitors from foreign parts are received in a suspicious or in a business like manner. What may be done with them? How can we turn to profitable account the disaffection they represent? In London the noted assassin and bomb-thrower is welcomed in the drawing rooms of Mayfair and becomes the ladykiller of suburban villas. As we write Ahmed Riza Bey, the Kossuth of Young Turkey, the Gambetta of Young Turkey, is bowing over the hands of Duchesses in Belgravia and his followers are "shooting men" and outraging women in Bulgaria and Annatolia.

We shall be disliked for our slowness in seeing the disappearance of the leopard's spots. English people are emotional. English women hold their bits of lace to nose and eye when a walking sensation from St. Petersburg in the shape of an anarchist, from Cork in the character of an Irish landlord tells his woes. This amiability does not last long if some good reason intervenes; the anarchist may have been discovered pocket-picking, the Italian patriot found with unconsidered trifles from Lady P's boudoir,1 "the gentlemanly Turk," so they called him in London society when he was playing the very devil in Bulgaria in 1876-8, may have proved himself a difficulty to the Minister and a distraction to his wife, and so each and all become confounded foreigners unless indeed the great nobles of Austria-Hungary or Spain or of the Foubourg St. Germaine or of Berlin.

We hope that Ahmed Riza Bey and his fellow-reformers may meet with the suspicion we think wise. Enthusiasts are easily taken in. The young Irelanders praised the Sultan in 1848 for refusing to surrender Kossuth; Irishmen in an aberration were as much devoted to Garibaldi as Lady Palmerston and Lord Shafesbury until their eyes were opened by the Garibaldian riots in Hyde Park. At any rate our own view is that the Young Turks are and must be the enemies of Christianity, and we refuse to believe that their adoption of constitutional principles has a deeper meaning than the thousand palace revolutions which led to the changes of Ministries in the past and frequently to the deposition or murder of Sultans. Those Englishmen who discover in the policy of Young Turkey an accord with the ideas which are expressed by popular government forget that there never was a period in English history when the sovereign was absolute. Even under the Norman Princes enactments, and particularly those bearing on taxation, were framed with the assent of the Great Council of the kingdom-that body out of which the Houses of Parliament, the Judiciary, the Exchequer, the Privy Council came into being as convenient divisions. The change was not so much a process of evolution as of resolution into the component parts demanded of a governmental system made more complex by the rise of commercial interests, the increase of population and the emergence of more subtle doctrines in the relations of land tenure.

This was the primary condition of European States. It sprang from the Christian principle that the King was not the ruler of the conscience and the rights of his people. He was their protector and the asserter of their rights and the symbol of the supreme law of the State, in which the duties, the obligations and capabilities of each and all were crystallized. Christianity made men free not merely in the spiritual order but because their spiritual freedom demanded as of right the civil liberty to attain it. On the other hand, the Turk is the Sultan's slave, body and soul; his life is an accidental thing in the endless realm of fate, a bubble on the stream, a thistle-down in the wind. He has no sense of moral elevation to be reached, no spiritual destiny to be struggled for. If riches command enjoyment, the world is wide to plunder. He has his horse and his sword, and every man who works is his victim. His "purchase" is in other men's pockets. The wider his conquest extends the greater the spoil. He is a destroyer, with no thought of the morrow. Homes of industries, the town, the city are leveled by him in his pride, fertile lands are laid waste; he passes like the locust over cornfield and vineyard; if he remains in a region, he sits amid the desolation he has made; his narghile and his harem and an occasional head brought to his feet are the business of this life till he crosses the invisible bridge to the seraglio of his paradise beyond.

Think of this conscienceless, voluptuous savage embarking on that parliamentary life which was the life of every State in Europe till the Reformation, which the standing armies of the Reformation killed from the Seine to the Danube, which Reformation Kings

3

tried to kill in England, but which is the very instrument as well as the language of English liberty. It is the sense of Christian statesmanship which the Church made articulate, which she defended against the Norman's infinite craft and iron hand and Plantagenets' paroxysms of angry pride, and which in the profound legacy of principles she bequeathed to the apostate nation she secured against the ecclesiastico-political despotism of Tudor, the cringing waywardness of James I., the measureless duplicity of Charles I.

It is perfectly clear that as matters stand the appeal to England must be in vain, for her interests are, in appearance, so intimately bound up with the religious influence of the Sultan over the Moslem world, and in addition her commerce with Turkey is so very considerable that she would be ready for a war to defend the existing fragments of the Turkish Empire for the successor and representative of the Prophet.

The Mussulman population of India is sixty millions. They are the bravest, strongest and most energetic of the various races inhabiting that possession. It is true there is great unrest in India at the present moment, but it is mainly to be found among the nonMoslem Bengales and the various approximating forms of heathenism which shade off from Brahmanism to the strange and at one time appalling superstitions of the very remote and desolate mountain spurs of the northeast and the plains of the centre. It may be laid down that the Mahommedans hate all these with the ferocious passion which manifested itself in early days against the Persian Fireworshipers and a little later against the Byzantine Empire. The Mutiny in which the Mahommedans, Hindus and the other races and religions in India joined does not affect my initial proposition. They rose in a wild, savage rebellion because Moslem and Buddhist, Brahman and Rajput were required to bite cartridges that had been steeped in hog fat, to all of them an abomination. But that is a thing never to happen again. The suppression of the mutiny, in a manner as sanguinary and systematic as a massacre of janissaries by a frightened and enraged Sultan or of unreserved prisoners by a Roman imperator, crushed the very heart of that two hundred and forty millions. The favor shown to the great feudatories and their Mussulman subjects has started an interest in the Indian Empire which has some reality, while it has secured for them the jealousy and distrust of all the rest, a strong motive.

There is nothing to prevent a British Ambassador at Constantinople, when the occasion demands, to ask the Commander of the

• Parliament-the speaking place of the people.

The Thugs were a recognized religious fraternity until put down, in spite of the Anglo Indians. The abolition of Lutherism was strongly opposed by the same class. The wild "nated men" of the remote northeast are tame to a degree.