that the anarchism in India and its transplantation to England will stop the comprehensive enlightened, though tentative scheme of Lord Morley.

The Civil Service being open to the natives, one would at first sight suppose that a great number of the important appointments in that service would be filled by them. This, I believe, is not the case. This may be accounted for by the expense of going to England to attend the examinations, a burden on persons of limited means, and the Indian students in London are for the most part such persons. When one thinks that the British colleagues of those Indians in the Civil Service are gentlemen of high character and admirable antecedents, that their way of looking at matters of justice and administration is as far asunder from the Indian way as the North Pole is from the South I am not at all sure that a change calculated to increase the number of Indian, and particularly Bengali candidates, will be an improvement on the existing provision. But the experiment is worth trying.

The character of land tenure was slightly outlined. The zamindars and the native collectors of the State rent, in those parts where the State is the landlord, are extortionate and heartless as Shylock where not restrained by the higher British officials/A large number of Indians in the districts now administered by our countrymen and kinsmen from the United Kingdom would be like locusts on the sadly visited regions / There would be the despair of a widely spread slavery and impoverishment; but the influence of the educated natives in the press, on the platform, as teachers in school and college would be employed to direct popular hatred to the imperial government instead of to the native collectors who violated justice as magistrates with an itching palm, who lifted the taxes with the insatiable cupidity of Turkish officials of the good old days. I judge the Emperor of India, if he had not a rebellion more dangerous than the great Mutiny of 1857 on his hands, would have territories emptied of inhabitants who had died of famine or had fled from it; would hear that the suburbs of his towns were swept by pestilence, the townspeople kept behind the walls lest they should contract the plague and were dying of famine in the streets, in the open sewers, at the foot of the ramparts which feebleness prevented them from climbing to precipitate themselves on the suburbs if his British subjects were replaced by natives.

The complaints made of British subordinate judges for the sentences they impose for petty larcenies, assaults and the like are listened to by high officials in the Viceroy's and the provincial Governors' courts, and cause head shaking among the squires of England, whose own sentences at Petty Sessions for poaching, sleeping

the

out, thefts of small things by children and first offenders are a sign and wonder to intelligent and humane men. Let it not be supposed that the squires think the sentences on black men who thieve that they may eat excessive; no, but complaints to the India office may injuriously affect the interests of younger sons and relatives to whom India is still a land of good things. This is why they shake their heads.

a

The

It is said there is good reason for the severe sentences. Indian thief steals as a matter of course; the Indian generally lies unless it is more profitable to tell the truth, perjures himself in a court of justice with complacent facility, no matter what the judicial occasion may be. During the period of transition from the violence of entrance on land vi et armis to the time of peaceful conveyance by fine and recovery in England a successful method of appropriating estates took the place of the armed entry by numbers. A precontract, a secret conveyance and "competent false witnesses" did the business of robbery under the aegis of the statute of uses. Our ancestors were magnificent in their scoundrelism, but the perjury following the footsteps of a zamindar taking his tenants' conditional fee-simple, or his neighbor's estate guaranteed under a survey in pursuance of a land settlement investigation for assessment was a triumph of subtility, treachery, cowardice, meanness, supported by a court full of instructed witnesses. The lands in such a case would, of course, be of small area, not like the wide lordships or baronies acquired by document and oath in Tudor England; but what SIX-Anarchism in India and Its Consequences.

the litigation lacked in the dignity of the subject matter it infinitely surpassed the old English iniquity in the multitude of the swearers, their ingenuity, plausibility, earnestness. When one remembers that it has been unsafe for the past few years for the Sahib to call at a friend's house unless he had as many attendants through the streets of Calcutta as a baron required going to the Tower to pay court to royalty in pre-Tudor days, that he could only safely dine with his Bengali fellow judge or collector by precautions similar to those that should be taken by the guest of a podesta in the sixteenth century on the eve of turning his magistracy into a principality, when one remembers the widespread falseness and the carefully nourished hatred of the natives, he can hardly blame our brothers of Ireland, our kinsmen of England and Scotland if they serve out a sharp dose of justice to the natives. I do not say that in the higher branches of the administrative and judicial services there are not to be found honorable men of the Indian races; of this the testimony is clear and convincing, but this is due, I submit, to an environment wholly un-Oriental from infancy. I can only think this when the

resorted to and the reforms of "eccentric statesmen" must be arrested.12 Let theirs be the fate of Cassandra, to be disbelieved. Panic is the source of their inspiration. Both the alarmist and the optimist are wrong. Great things have been done for India, and these in time must produce an era of peace and prosperity. There is such a form of loyalty as that of interest. The appeals of the irresponsible educated classes to the tillers of the soil are unsuccessful, though listened to with placidity. This class knows that their predecessors never enjoyed the security they possess for profitable labor. There is, indeed, no enthusiasm in their attachment to the empire, but theirs is the tranquil bearing of men who hope for improved conditions as they stand, and who dread that a transfer of dominion to native princes or to strangers would reduce them to hopeless servitude. They are aware that taxation under the native princes who hold semi-independent States under the protection of the Crown is higher than what they are required to bear. In one instance at least this has been proved when there was an offer of exchange of lands between the imperial government and a native prince. The ryots proposed to pay increased taxes rather than consent to the exchange. Now, the ryots constitute the population, for the educated classes to which reference has been already made so often, are only one per cent. of the Indian people. They are a disastrous product of a vicious system of education; they are the criminal associations whose methods are those of European Anarchits, whose activity can be checked at any moment by the offer of places, however subordinate and salaries however trifling under the imperial government. To deal with factitious and interested discontent, with the native army loyal and the native feudatories18 attached to the greatness of the empire cannot be beyond the resources of statesmanship.

T

THE SITUATION IN SPAIN.

HERE are, perhaps, few lands more difficult to handle in public print than Spain. This revolution-ridden country presents to us a kaleidiscopic picture of intrigues, varying politics, constitutions and conspiracies, civil wars and assasinations that are simply bewildering. Yet whosoever should judge Spain by what appears upon the surface would be far wide of the mark. Still more would he err who would permit himself to be guided by the current reports circulating through the British, Continental or American press. Spain has had in the past more than in the present bitter political and religious enemies, and even to-day that feeling of hostility has not completely subsided. Every now and then news comes to us from the Peninsula which often proves to be false, or at most fiction founded on fact. What assertions were not made, what groundless reports circulated some years ago concerning the domestic affairs of the Madrid palace which fell to the ground of their own weight! A few years since a very sensational story appeared in a highly respectable paper of Baltimore, taken from a well-known and much read New York journal. It concerned a certain Moorish woman named Fatima, who it was said had escaped from the harem of the Sultan of Morocco, and whom Spain, in spite of many protests, was, through the workings of diplomacy, to deliver up to the tender mercies of the Sultan. The facts were ascertained, and the true story of Fatima, who had nothing at all to do with the Sultan's harem, was sent to the Baltimore paper in question, but it probably found its way to the wastepaper basket. At least I am not aware that anything ever came of it.

The causes of present conditions in Spain must be sought for as far back as the period of the French Revolution, when the equilibrium of the whole world was disturbed. At that time Spain, as own, was politically a united kingdom, but to understand the Spaniards it is necessary to remember that that kingdom was the outcome of a number of originally independent States, each with its own characteristics that have been, to a large extent, retained down to the present time. What may be said of the people of one province, Estremadura, for instance, can by no means be predicated of that of other provinces, taken singly or collectively. For the Spaniard, his native province, Castile, Andalusia or whatever it may be, is first and foremost his country, with its manners and customs, its traditions and its dialect.

Jeromino Becker, writing in Nuestro Tiempo, sees precisely in this lack of unity one of the greatest reasons for the decline of Spain's