it, for they were accustomed as a rule not to allow their men to remain more than a few years in one place, but shifted them frequently in order that all of their institutions might have the advantage of the incentive and the inspiration of the presence of particularly successful teachers. During his wanderings Brother Luca met and became an intimate friend of Leonardo Da Vinci at Milan. Leonardo was, as is well known, deeply interested not only in art, but, with the true Renaissance spirit, also in literature and in the physical sciences and in mathematics. Some of his contributions to mathematics are of great value. He had a deep admiration for Fra Luca and corresponded with him after his departure for Milan. Besides his "Summa," as his great work in mathematics was known, Fra Luca wrote a monograph on the game of chess, which has been lost. While Fra Luca was at Bologna, Novara was at that university teaching astronomy. Like all the other astronomers, especially at this time, Novara was almost as distinguished in mathematics as in his favorite science. Among his pupils at this time was Copernicus, who had come down from Cracow in order to study astronomy and mathematics in the University of Bologna. While in Italy Copernicus also studied medicine. He was not the only one of the physicians of that time who were great in mathematics. This distinguished group at Bologna, however, points out two very interesting conclusions that are usually not realized in the history of education. One of these is the Renaissance interest in science which we are emphasizing here because it has not always been given its due place, and the other is the spirit of scientific inquiry which characterized the Italian university at this time and which tempted students from all over the world. Astronomy, mathematics and medicine, that is, all the sciences related to medicine, were the favorite sciences of those days. These were cultivated in the ecclesiastically ruled universities of Italy better than anywhere else. Copernicus came from Poland, Linacre from England and a little later Vexalius from Belgium, all in order to study science in Italy, though all the while the Church is said to have been opposed to scientific investigation and teaching. One of the most eminent mathematicians of the seventeenth century was Gassendi, who in 1645, at the invitation of the Archbishop of Lyons, brother of Cardinal Richelieu, was invited to the chair of mathematics in the College Royal at Paris. Gassendi added practically nothing to our previous knowledge of mathematics, but he deserves an honorable place in the history of this and of the physical sciences for his influence in the diffusion of ideas on these subjects, and because his attractive style tempted many people to a consideration of mathematical and physical problems who would have otherwise a religious order. There are at least a dozen distinguished mathematicians among the Jesuits during the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries whose careers under the circumstances make it very clear that mathematics does not influence faith and faith does not disturb mathematics and the Church does not hamper the work of mathematicians nor do mathematicians find the atmosphere of religious orders unsuited to their labors. The first of the great Jesuit mathematicians was Clavius, who corrected the calendar for Pope Gregory XIII. The Jesuits were always primarily teachers. Clavius' greatest work in mathematics, then, it is not surprising to find, was a great edition of "Euclid." This work was done so well that he came to be called "the Euclid of the sixteenth century," and his work acquired a universal reputation. Cantor says that a title and a reputation were never better deserved than those of Clavius. He gathered together all the annotations that had ever been made on Euclid, sifted them so as to leave only those which were of value, added many notes and explanations of his own and published as a consequence the text-book that for several centuries was the most used volume throughout Europe. Its almost universal employment may be appreciated from the fact that it went through some fourteen editions. Cantor especially emphasizes that Clavius faced all the difficulties candidly and as far as possible solved them lucidly. His correction of the calendar brought him into a bitter controversy, but he was well able to answer his opponents, and his calendar has in the course of the centuries proved its own justification. A great contemporary among the Jesuits of Clavius was Father Paul Gulden, who was born in 1577 in South Germany, and died in 1643. In spite of the strenuous opposition of his parents, who were Protestants, he became a convert and then entered the Jesuit novitiate. After his ordination he came to be looked upon as one of the most distinguished professors of mathematics in the order. He wrote four volumes of centrobaryca, that is, of discussions on the determination of the centre of gravity. In the course of these he established new rules for the determination of the centre of gravity, in which he corrected the work of Kepler and Cavalieri. All the astronomers among the Jesuits were well versed in mathematics, and during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, as I showed in my "Catholic Churchmen in Science," second series (the Dolphin Press, Philadelphia, 1909), they were the most important group of contributors to astronomy. Such men as Riccioli, whose "Almagestum Novum" is well known; Father Scheiner and Cysatus, who worked on sun spots and comets; Father Boscovitch, whose measurements of a terrestrial arc set him in the forefront of mathe edge, but this is not true for the greatest mathematical minds. What is thus true in mathematics is true in all the sciences. The greatest minds, knowing their own limitations very well, have no difficulty in bowing their heads to religious mysteries. The smaller minds become so occupied with the amount of mathematics or science that comes to them that they have no room for the truths of faith. It is the question of the container, not the contents. The smaller intellectual vessels cannot hold two large sets of truths. They are more interested in mathematics than faith, so faith slips out of them. The really great minds, far from finding mathematics or science a hindrance to faith, have their faith deepened and strengthened by every advance that they make in genuine science. New York, N. Y. JAMES J. WALSH. 20 C ANCIENT SCOTTISH HOSPITALS. HARITABLE institutions for the benefit of suffering humanity are the offspring of faith. Our Lord declared to His first followers: "By this shall all men know that you are My disciples, if you have love one for another." It was the manifestation of this love which led to the foundation in every Christian country of so many institutes of mercy for the relief of needy members of the great family of God. To love all, to pray for all, to sacrifice self for all was to be the aim of the perfect follower of Christ. The practice of the works of mercy-the outcome of such a spirit was encouraged by the generous promise made by Christ Himself of a special reward at the last day: "Come, ye blessed of my Father, possess you the kingdom prepared for you. I was hungry and you gave me to eat: I was a stranger, and you took me in: naked, and you covered me: sick, and you visited me. Amen I say to you, as long as you did it to one of these my least brethren, you did it to me." For It is not strange, then, that Christianity, from the very first, offered a striking contrast to heathenism in the fostering of institutions which should enable man to imitate more closely his divine model and render salvation more secure by the practice of charity towards his suffering brethren. As soon as the Church was free from persecution houses began to be set apart for the care of the sick and shelter of the needy. St. Chrysostom and St. Basil in the East, St. Paulinus of Nola in the West are some of the bright examples of the early ages in this respect. Later on Councils of the |