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If we put together all that is handed down to us in the New Testament, and in

ply a brother of the Lord, especially among the Judaizing Christians, by whom such distinctions of earthly affinity would be most highly prized, and this might be still more easily explained, if we admit with Schneckenburger, that after the death of Joseph (which took place at an early period), Mary removed to the house of her sister the wife of Alpheus; hence, it would be usual to designate her sons who lived from their childhood with Jesus, who had no other brothers, simply as the brethren of Jesus. Thus, then, this James would be one of the brethren of Jesus who are named in Matt. xiii. 55; Mark vi. 3. Among these we find a Joses, who, in Matth. xxvii. 56, is distinguished as the brother of James, and a Judas; and if we explain the surname 'laxaßou given to the apostle Judas, on comparing it with the Epistle of Jude, v. 1, by supplying the word adeλ pos (which cannot be assumed as absolutely certain), we shall also again find in him a brother of the apostle James. And the one named Simon among these brethren, we may perhaps find again in the apostles, as all three are named together in Acts i. 13. According to that supposition, it would be no longer surprising that the brethren of Christ are often mentioned in connexion with his mother; and yet from that circumstance no evidence can be deduced that would prove them to be in a strict sense his brethren. We must then assume with Schnecken. burger, that when Matthew (xiii. 55) after the mention of the twelve apostles, distinguishes the brethren of Jesus from them, it proceeded from the want of chronological exactness in his mode of narration.

But if several of the so-called brethren of Jesus were among the apostles, still the manner in which the former are distinguished from the latter in Acts i. 14, is remarkable. Besides, according to the account in Mark iii. 31, a state of mind towards Jesus is supposed to exist in these brethren, which could not be attributed to the apostles, and yet it appears from comparing this account with the parallel passages in Matt. xii. and Luke viii, that this incident must be placed after the choice of the twelve apostles. This view is confirmed by the disposition manifested by these brethren of Christ, even in the last half year before his sufferings. All this taken together, must decide us in favour of the supposition, that the brethren of Jesus, commonly mentioned in connexion with Mary the mother of Jesus, are to be altogether distinguished from the apostles, and therefore they must be considered as the brethren of Jesus in a stricter sense, either as the sons of Joseph by a former marriage, or the later born sons of Joseph and Mary, which from Matt. i. 25, is most probable. That Christ when dying said to John, that from that time he should treat Mary as his mother, can at all events oppose only the supposition, that these brethren were the offspring of Joseph and Mary, and not the supposition that they were the stepsons of Mary. But even against the first supposition, this objection is not decisive; for if these brethren of Jesus still continued estranged from him in their disposition, we can at once perceive why at his death he commended his

other historical records, the most probable result of the whole is, that this James was

mother to his beloved disciple John. It may indeed appear surprising, that these brethren of Christ, according to Matthew xiii. 55, bore the same names as their cousins, but this can be af firmed with certainty only of two, and as the two sisters had one name, it might happen, owing to particular circumstances, that one son of each was named alike.

But from what has been said, it by no means follows, that the James who is distinguished in the New Testament as a brother of the Lord, was one of these brethren of Christ in a stricter sense. It might still be consistent with that fact, that this James was to be distinguished from the James who was the actual brother of the Lord, and, as a cousin of Christ who was honoured with this name, was to be held as identical with the apostle, although in this case it is less probable that when an actual brother of Jesus bore the name of James, the cousin should be honoured with the same title, instead of being distinguished by the epithet ave↓ios from that other James, to whom the surname of Brother of the Lord would in strictest propriety be given.

If we are disposed to examine the passages in the Pauline epistles which contain a particular reference to this point, there are two especially deserving of notice. As to the passage in 1 Cor. ix. 5, “ και οι λοιποι αποστολοι και οι ἀδελφοι τοῦ κυgcu," it cannot be proved from these words that the brethren of the Lord were distinct from the apostles, for they may be supposed to mean, that Paul, by "the other apostles," understood those who could not claim such a relationship to the Lord, and that he particularly distinguishes those who were brethren of the Lord from the other apostles, because, in virtue of that relationship, they stood high in the opinion of the party with whom he had here to do. That he names Peter immediately after, rather favours the notion that the brethren of the Lord, as well as Peter, belonged to the number of the apostles. Yet this is not a decisive proof, for it would surely be possi. ble that, although the brethren of the Lord did not belong to the apostles, Paul might mention them in this connexion, because they, or some of them, were held in equal estimation by the Jewish Christians of Palestine; and as, along with them, Peter was most highly respected, he is particularly mentioned at the same time. It is indeed possible, that Paul here uses the term apostle, not in the strictest sense, but in a wider meaning, as in Rom. xvi. 7; and so much the more, since he afterwards mentions Barnabas, to whom the name of an apostle could be applied only in that more general acceptation of the term. The second im. portant passage is Gal. i. 19, where Paul, after speaking of his conference with the apostle Peter at Jerusalem, adds, that he had seen no other of the apostles, "save James the Lord's brother." Yet, from this passage, it cannot be so certainly inferred as Dr. Schneckenburger thinks, that the James here named was one of the apostles. The state of the case may be conceived to have been thus: Paul had originally, in his thoughts, only a negative position, he had scen no other apostle but

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one of the brethren of Christ, of whom we | Thus it have spoken in our "Life of Jesus," p. 40.

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Peter at Jerusalem. But as it afterwards occurred to him, that he had seen at Jerusalem James the brother of the Lord, who, though no apostle, was held in apostolic estimation by the Judaizers, on this account he added, by way of limitation, a reference to James. We must therefore add to the un, a complementary idea allied to that of anor TOAGS; on a construction of this kind, see Winer; p. 517. It may be asked whether Paul would have expressed himself in this manner, if he had reckoned James in the stricter sense among the apostles? Would he have expressed the negation so universally, and, after he had so expressed it, have here first introduced the limitation, if from the first he had thought of saying that he saw none of the apostles excepting two? When Schneckenburger, from the words in Acts ix. 27, infers that Paul must at that time have conferred with at least two apostles at Jerusalem, he attaches greater weight than can be allowed with certainty to single expressions in this short narrative.

appears how very much the course of his religious developement, was distinguished from that of the apostle Paul. The latter, during the life of Christ on earth, was at a distance from all personal outward communication with him, and learnt to know him first by spiritual communication. James, on the contrary, stood in the closest family relation to the Redeemer, and from the first was present with him during the whole of his earthly developement; but it was exactly this circumstance which contributed to his being more slow to recognise in the son of man, the Son of God; and while he clave only to the earthly appearance, he was prevented from penetrat ing through the shell to the substance. Paul, by a violent crisis, made the transi tion from the most vehement and unsparing opposition to the gospel, to the most zealous advocacy of it. James gradually advanced from a Judaism of great earnestness. and depth, which blended with a faith that constantly became more decisive in Jesus as the Messiah, to Christianity as the glorification and fulfilling of the law.

There is probably some truth in what is

Yet, if we compare on this point the oldest ecclesiastical traditions, the comparison of the account in the gospel of the Hebrews (see Hieronym. de V. I. c. ii.) with 1 Cor. xv. 7 appears to favour the identity of the one James, for in that gospel it is said that Christ, after his resurrection, appeared to James the Just, the brother of the Lord. But in the passage in the Epistle to the Corinthians, the same James seems to be mentioned as one of the twelve apostles. Still we find here nothing absolutely certain, for it cannot be of the Lord, it would follow that that James, as a shown that the reference in that gospel is to the nephew of the Lord, is called his brother. Yet if same appearance of Christ as in the epistle. And another interpretation is possible, according to if it be assumed that James, the brother of the which Hegesippus agrees with himself, in referLord, was then held in such great esteem, that ence to the words before quoted, such an interpre when this name was mentioned only one individual tation must be readily preferred. And this interwould be generally thought of, it is not perfectly pretation is that which agrees best with the words clear, from his being brought forward in this con- in their existing position. For, since James is the nexion, that he was reckoned by Paul among the principal subject in the first half of the sentence, apostles. Now, in reference to the tradition of the auroù must refer to him. Cleopas, accordingly, Hegesippus, in Euseb. ii. 23, when he says that is called the uncle of James, and his son Simeon James the brother of the Lord undertook with the cannot therefore be the brother of James, but is apostles, μera Tv TsTonav, the guidance of the his cousin; as Cleopas (= Alpheus) is the uncle church at Jerusalem, it is most natural to suppose of Jesus, (and, according to Hegesippus in Euseb. that he means to distinguish James from the apos. iii. 11, both on the side of Joseph as well as of tles, otherwise he would have said μera Tv Tv, Mary), Simeon the cousin of Jesus and the cousin although we would not consider the other inter- of James, which again favours the opinion that pretation as impossible, especially in writers of they were brothers. But Hegesippus might call this class, in whom we do not look for great pre- this Simeon a second nephew, since he looked upon cision in their mode of expression. Also the whole the apostle James, the son of Alpheus, who was narrative of Hegesippus leads us to believe, that no longer living, as the first nephew. We might he considered James as distinct from the apostles; also insert a stop after zugu, and connect Surg for although this representation bears upon it, at with gcedevro; by this construction, mention would all events, marks of internal improbability, yet it be made of only one cousin of the Lord, as the would not appear altogether irrational, on the sup- successor of his brother, as the second overseer of position that this James was an apostle appointed the church. But the position of the words is very by Christ himself. But we must compare with much against this construction. Certainly the this passage the words of Hegesippus in Euseb. testimony of Hegesippus must have great weight, iv. 23, μετά το μαρτυρῆσαι Ιακωβον τον δικαιον, ὡς on account of his high antiquity, his descent, and Hal κυριος ἐπὶ τῷ αυτω λόγω, παλιν ὁ ἐκ θειου his connexion with the Jews of Palestine. But it αὐτοῦ Συμπων ὁ τοῦ κλωπα καθισταται ἐπισκοπος, εν is undeniable, if we compare the two passages προέθεντο πάντες όντα ἀνεψιον τοῦ κυρίου δευτερον. If from the Hypotyposeis of Clement, quoted by Eus we understand by these words, that this Šimeon sebius, ii. 1, that he distinguishes James, who was called the second nephew in relation to the bore the surname of the Just, as an apostle in the aforementioned James the Just, as the first nephew stricter sense of the word.

narrated by the Christian historian Hege-tained constantly increasing respect in the sippus, that this James led from childhood church at Jerusalem. the life of a Nazarene. If we consider Every feature of his character which we what an impression the appearances at and can gather from the Acts, from Josephus,* after the birth of Christ, and the conviction and from the traditions of Hegesippus in that the first-born son of Mary was destined Eusebius,† well agrees with the image of to be the Messiah-must have left on the him presented in the epistle that bears his minds of the parents, it may be easily ex- name. By his strict pious life, which plained how they felt themselves compelled agreed with the Jewish notions of legal to dedicate their first-born son James,* to piety, he won the universal veneration, not the service of Jehovah in strict abstinence only of the believers among the Jews, but for the whole of his life. To this also it also of the better disposed among his counmight be owing, that the freer mode of liv- trymen generally: on this account, he was ing which Christ practised with his disci- distinguished by the surname of the Just, ples was less congenial to him; and from dixaios; and, if we may credit the P his strict, legal, Jewish standing-point he account of Hegesippus, he was viewed as could not comprehend the new spirit which one of those men of distinguished and comrevealed itself in Christ's words; many of manding excellence who set themselves these must have appeared to him as "hard against the corruptions of their age, and sayings." Proceeding from the common hence was termed the bulwark of the peoJewish standing-point, he expected that ple. According to the representations of Jesus, if he were the Messiah, would verify this writer, he must have led a life after himself to be such in the presence of the the manner of the strictest ascetics among people by signs that would compel the uni- the Jews. The consecration of his childversal recognition of his claims, by the es- hood had already introduced him to such tablishment of a visible kingdom in earthly a mode of life, and we might suppose, that glory. By the impression of Christ's he had already won by it peculiar respect among the Jews, if it were not surprising that no trace can be found of it in the gospels, no marks of special distinction awarded to him by his brethren. At all events, he might afterwards avail himself of this ascetic strictness as a means of attracting the attention of the multitude to his person, and thereby to the doctrine he published. This mode of life considered in itself, provided its value was not rated

ministry he became indeed excited to believe, but the power of early habit and prejudice always counteracted that impression, and he found himself in a state of indecision from which he could not at once free himself. Only half a year before the last sufferings of Christ we find him in this vacillating condition, for John does not in this respect distinguish him from the other brethren of Jesus, with whom this was certainly the case; John vii. 5. But after the ascension of Christ, he appears as a decided and zealous member of the company of disciples; Acts i. 13. We see how important the Saviour deemed it to produce such a faith in him by his honouring him with a special appearance after the resurrection (1 Cor. xv. 7), whether this was occasioned or not, by his having expressed doubts like Thomas.† This James ob

son,

* His being described by the appellation of the indicates that he was the eldest.

Man is risen from the dead." We must certainly minded James, who, in his epistle, has so vividly consider how important it was for the waveringdescribed the unhappiness of such a state (i. 5), to attain to the certainty on this subject, which such an occurrence would give him, and which such a of the Jewish Christian who bestowed so much vow led him to expect. But not only is the work pains in embellishing the history of James, not a credible source of information in itself, but there is also a palpable contradiction in the chronology of the history of the resurrection between this narrative and Paul's account.

*Joseph. Archeol. xx. 9.

+ Hist. Eccles. ii. 23.

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which עב לְעַם or עֹפֶל עַם Perhaps :

עז לְעַם ,Fuller

+ The narrative in the Gospel of the Hebrews (see Leben Jesu, p. 720), is not an authority of sufficient credit_to allow of our following it here. It tells us that James, after partaking of the Last Supper with Christ, made a vow that he would not again taste food till he had seen him risen from the dead; that Christ appeared to him as the Risen One, and said, “Now eat thy bread, for the Son of goxn toũ xaov.

comes nearer the phraseology of Hegesippus; unless, which is indeed less probable, we read with which Hegesippus translates

too high, was by no means unchristian. | doctrine of justification by faith in and for What Hegesippus narrates of him perfectly itself, or a misunderstanding and an erronesuits his character, that he frequently pros-ous application of it. And it would not be trated himself on his knees in the Temple, difficult to support this opinion by many calling upon God to forgive the sins of his isolated passages in the epistle taken alone, people, (probably having a special refer- without a reference to their connexion with ence to the forgiveness of their sins against the whole :* for it seems as if the express the Messiah),—that the divine judgments reference to the Pauline formula of the jus on the unbelievers might be averted, and tification to be obtained by faith alone, and that they might be led to repentance and to which works can contribute nothing, faith, and thus to a participation of the could not be mistaken; especially as the kingdom of the glorified Messiah. same examples of faith as those mentioned by Paul, namely, those of Abraham and Sarah, are adduced. But this opinion, though plausible at first sight, if we exa. mine more closely the relation of particular passages to the whole tenor of the epistle, will soon appear untenable. The error in reference to faith which James combats in this epistle, is certainly not one altogether isolated: but it appears as an offset proceeding with many others from the root of one false principle: and this principle is quite distinct from that which would admit of an application, whether correct or incorrect, of the Pauline doctrine. It was the tendency of the Jewish spirit, refusing to acknowledge the life of religion as seated in the disposition, every where taking up the mere dead form, the appearance instead of the reality, in religion; this tendency, which substituted a lifeless arrogant acquaintance with the letter for the genuine wisdom inseparable from the divine life-which prided itself in an inoperative knowledge of the law, without paying any attention to the practice of the law-which placed devotion in outward ceremonies, and neglected that devotion which shows itself in works of love-which contented itself with the verbal expression of love, instead of proving it by works; it was this same tendency of the Jewish mind estranged from

But some important doubts may be raised against the credibility of this account of Hegesippus, taken in its full extent. That Ebionite party among whom an ascetic, theosophic tendency prevailed, and who circulated apocryphal writings under the name of James, had probably formed an ideal conception of his character in harmony with their own peculiarities, and Hegesippus might mistake the image delineated in their traditions for an historical reality. The epistle of James by no means bears decided marks of such a tendency, for every thing which has been supposed to be of this kind may very properly be referred to the simple Christian renunciation of the world, such as has its seat in the disposition. If the Jewish love of gain is here spoken against, if the earthly-mindedness of the rich, the homage paid to this class and the contempt of the poor, is condemned, and it is declared that the gospel has found the most ready access to the latter, and exalted them to the highest dignity, yet it by no means follows, that the author of this epistle entirely condemned, like the Ebionites, all possession whatever of earthly goods.

This epistle is especially important, not only for illustrating the character of James, but also for giving us an insight into the state of the Christian churches which were formed from Judaism, and unmixed with Christians of Gentile descent. According to an opinion very generally prevalent from ancient times, we should be led to believe that the peculiar doctrinal system of the apostle Paul had already been formed and disseminated when this epistle was written, and that those churches particularly to whom it was addressed, had been affected by the influence of this Pauline system. The opinion we refer to is, that James in this epistle either combated the Pauline

* We wish to remark in passing, that among those who have thought that they have detected a contradiction between James and Paul in the doctrine of justification, is the celebrated patriarch Cyrillus Lucaris of Constantinople, who was led to the opinion by reading the epistle. It also struck him that the name of Christ is scarcely mentioned above once or twice, and then coldly (anzi del nomo di Jesu Christo a pena fa mentione una o due volte e freddamente); that the mysteries of the incarnation of the Son of God and of redemption are not treated of, but only morality (solo a la moralita attende); see Letter vii. in Lettres Anecdotes de Cyrille Lucar. Amsterdam, 1718, p. 85.

the spirit and life of religion, which, as it laid an undue value on the opus operatum of outward religious acts, so also on the opus operatum of a faith in the one Jehovah and in the Messiah, which left the disposition unchanged ;—and which presumed that by such a faith, the Jew was sufficient ly distinguished from the sinful race of the Gentiles, and was justified before God even though the conduct of the life was in contradiction to the requirements of faith. Thus we find here one branch of that practical fundamental error which chiefly prevailed among these Jewish Christians, whom James combats in the whole of the epistle, even where faith is not the immediate subject of discourse. It was the erroneous tendency, which belonged to those that commonly prevailed among the great mass of the Jews, and which had found its way also among those Christians in whose minds the gospel had not effected a complete transformation, but whose Jewish spirit had only connected itself with faith in Jesus as the Messiah.* (See above, p. 27, and my Church History, vol. i. p. 47.)

But as to the Pauline doctrine of justification by faith, whether correctly or incorrectly understood and applied, we cannot suppose its influence to be possible in churches of this class, and hence argumentation against it from the stand

*That Jewish mode of thinking which Justin Martyr describes in Dial. c. Tryph. Jud. fol. 370, ed. Colon.—“ ως ὑμεῖς απατατε ἑαυτους και αλλοι τινες ὑμῖν ομοιοι κατα τοῦτο (in this respect Jewish. minded Christians), οἱ λεγουσιν, οτι κὰν ἁμαρτωλοί ῶσι, θεον δε γινωσκουσιν, οὐ μη λογίσηται αὐτοῖς κυριος auaga." That mode of thinking which is found in the Clementine homilies, according to which faith in one God (το της μοναρχιας καλον) has such great magical power, that the fux μvaxinn, even while living in vice, had this advantage before idolaters, that it could not perish, but through purifying punishments would at last attain to salvation; see Hom. iii. c. 6. The idea of faith, which, from an entirely different source than from a misunderstanding of Paul, found entrance afterwards among Christians themselves, and to which a Marcion directly opposed the Pauline idea of faith. Against such perversions Paul warned the churches, both by word of mouth and in writing, when he so impressively charged it upon them that their renunciation of heathenism was nugatory, and could not contribute to their participation of the kingdom of God, if they did not renounce their former sinful habits; see Gal. v. 21. The Hevos, against which he warns the Ephesians, v. 6.

ing-point of James is utterly inconceivable. As the superscription and contents of his epistle inform us, it was manifestly addressed only to churches that were composed entirely of Jewish Christians. But such persons were least of all disposed to attach themselves particularly to Faul, and least of all disposed and fitted to agree to the Pauline doctrine, which presented the most direct opposition to their customary mode of thinking. It was precisely from persons of this stamp that the intemperate fanatical outcry was raised against this form of Christian doctrine, as if, by depending on grace, men were made secure in sin, or that they were authorized in doing evil that good might come, Rom. iii. 8. In an entirely different quarter, from an Hellenic (gnostic) Antinomianism, which was also Antijudaism, arose at a later period an erroneous, practically destructive appropria tion and application of the Pauline doctrine of justification, such as Paul himself thought it needful to guard against by anticipation; Rom. vi. 1; Gal. v. 13. And this later erroneous application of the idea of faith, which tended likewise to the injury of practical Christianity, proceeded from an entirely different exposition of this idea than that presented by the one-sided direction of the Jewish spirit. It manifested itself rather as an Oriental Hellenic than as a Jewish spirit; it was not the abstract idea of faith, but a one-sided contemplative or idealizing tendency which deviated from the conception of faith as an animating principle of the will and a practical determination of the life.

From what has been said, therefore, it is impossible to suppose, in an epistle addressed to such churches as these, any reference whatever to the Pauline formula of faith. And even admitting such a refer

* Dr. Kern, in his essay on the Origin of the Epistle of James, in the Tubingen "Zeitschrift für Theologie," 1835, p. 25, on account of what is here asserted, charges me with a petitio principii; but I cannot perceive with any justice. This charge might be brought home to me if I had assumed, without evidence, that this epistle was addressed to an unmixed church; or if I had passed altogether unnoticed the possible case which Kern considers as the actual (though he has abandoned it lately in the Introduction to his Commentary on this Epistle), that it was forged by a Jewish Christian in James's name, in order to controvert the Pauline doctrinal views which prevailed among the Gentile churches.

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