out fresh invitations, in which it was simply described as a private meeting of Catholics. The congress sat till the 7th. The concluding speeches were made by M. Chesnelong, a Senator, who affirmed his conviction that a few sophists and demagogues would not stifle a faith which had resisted the laugh of Voltaire and the axe of the Reign of Terror; and by Monseigneur Freppel, who described Freemasonry and the International as the two destructive agencies at work in society.

The Chambers met again on May 1st. The Duc Decazes, on presenting the Yellow Book, containing the diplomatic correspondence relating to the Eastern question, made a speech, in which he said:

From the commencement of the crisis we have remarked how earnestly all the Governments which are anxious to prevent Europe from being disturbed by the vicissitudes of the Eastern question have desíred a localization of the war. Europe has observed our sincerity, and our lasting desire to remain in harmony with her. Never during the last seven years have our relations with foreign states been better. The neighboring Powers, like ourselves, have no direct interest in the present events. The language used by their Governments leaves no room for doubt as to their pacific sentiments, or the price they attach to the strengthening of their good relations with France.

In conclusion, he said:

In the Eastern question the most absolute neutrality, guaranteed by the most scrupulous abstention, will remain the basis of our policy.

On May 2d and 3d the Chamber of Deputies discussed the interpellation of Leblond as to the doings of the priests. M. Simon, in the session of May 2d, declared the respect of the Government for religion, and at the same time their earnest desire not to permit the clergy to exceed their spiritual prerogatives, but, above all, to prevent an attack upon a neighboring country.

On May 3d, an order of the day was finally adopted, by a vote of 361 to 121, and was concurred in by the cabinet, requesting the Government to use all means to oppose the manifestations of the Ultramontanes, "who are a standing menace to peace both at home and abroad." This order produced great bitterness among the Clericals; and in the Senate Franclieu gave notice of an interpellation, but withdrew it again, as the leaders of the Right did not consider the time for it to have come.

In the month of April the Bishop of Nevers wrote a letter to MacMahon, calling upon him to draw the sword against Italy for the "Prisoner of the Vatican." In answer to this, the Minister of Justice, in the beginning of May, wrote to the bishop that he had exceeded the functions of his office.

On May 16th, President MacMahon addressed the following letter to M. Simon:

I have just read in the Journal Officiel the report of yesterday's sitting. I have seen with surprise that neither you nor the Keeper of the Seals urged from the tribune all the serious reasons which should have prevented the repeal of a law on the press,

passed less than two years ago, on the proposal of M. Dufaure, and the application of which you yourYet, at several meetings of the Council, and even at self quite recently demanded from the tribunals. yesterday morning's, it had been decided that the President of the Council, as also the Keeper of the Seals, should undertake to combat it. There had already been room for astonishment that the Chamber of Deputies, in its latest sittings, had discussed a whole municipal law, and even adopted some provisions, the danger of which you yourself had recognized in the Council of Ministers, such as the publicity of the sittings of Municipal Councils without the Minister of the Interior having taken part in the naturally suggests the inquiry whether he retains over the Chamber the influence necessary to make his own views prevail. An explanation on this point is indispensable; for, if I am not responsible, like you, to the Parliament, I have a responsibility to France, with which I must now more than ever be preoccupied.

discussion. This attitude of the head of the cabinet

This letter was considered one of the most serious events which had happened in France after the fall of M. Thiers. Since the general election of 1876, the parties then defeated had been preparing for a conflict, and were resolved to profit by it. The new Chamber, however, had foiled this attempt; and had resisted every temptation to excite it, and justify a dissolution. On several occasions the President had declared that if he were led too far, he would form a Right and Dissolutionist Ministry. This simple threat had been sufficient to moderate the actions of the Chamber. When the Jules Simon ministry came in, it was hoped that the ministry would not be able to exist very long, and that its fall would force the President to ally himself with the Right. Religious discussions were finally relied upon to afford the opportunity of raising a conflict. But again a compromise was made between the cabinet and the Chamber, and the conflict once more avoided. But the elections of one-half of the Councils General were

drawing on; to which bodies, together with the Municipal Councils, were intrusted the next senatorial election. These could not be left with the existing Republican cabinet; and so the Right forced on the conflict which the Chamber had avoided. The result was the above letter of the President. As soon as M. Simon had received this letter, written without the knowledge of any member of the cabinet, he waited on the President, and said: "I offer you my resignation." "I expected it, and accept it," was the answer. M. Simon also addressed the following reply to the President's letter:

to me, I feel myself bound to hand you my resignaIn view of the letter you have thought fit to write tion of the functions you were good enough to confide to me. I am obliged, however, at the same time, to tender explanations on two points. You regret, M. le Maréchal, that I was not present on Saturday in the Chamber, when the first reading of the Bill on Municipal Councils was discussed. I regretted it also. I was detained at Paris by indisposition; but the question of the publicity of the sittings was only to have been discussed on the second reading. I had come to an agreement on this

tion of the grounds which have led me to take this decision. You all know with what scrupulousness, since the 25th of February, 1875, the day when the National Assembly gave France a Republican Constitution, I have observed in the exercise of the power confided to me all the prescriptions of that fundamental law. After the elections of last year, I wished to choose as ministers men whom I supposed to be agreed in opinions with the majority of the Chamber of Deputies. With that idea, I have successively formed two ministries. The first had at its head M. Dufaure, a veteran of our political Assemblies, one of the authors of the Constitution, as much esteemed for the honesty of his character as illustrious for his eloquence. M. Jules Simon, who presided over the second, attached from all time to the Republican form, wished, like M. Dufaure, to reconcile it with every Conservative principle. In spite of the loyal cooperation which I have given them, neither of these ministers has been able to form in the Chamber a compact majority secured to his own ideas. M. Dufaure vainly endeavored last year, in the last discussion on the budget, to prevent innovations, which he justly regarded as very deplorable. The same defeat was reserved for the President of the late cabinet on very serious points of legislation, as to which he had agreed with me that no modification should be allowed. After these two attempts, equally devoid of success, I could not take a step further in the same path without appealing to or demanding support from another section of the Republican partythat which thinks the Republic cannot be firmly established without having as a complement and consequence the radical modification of all our great institutions-judicial, financial, and military administrations. This programme is well known. Those who profess it are agreed on all that it contains; they differ among themselves only as to the suitable time and means of carrying it out. Neither my conscience nor my patriotism permits me to share, even afar off and as regards the future, in the triumph of these ideas. I do not think it opportune either to-day or to-morrow, or at any period, that they should prevail. They would only engender disorder and the degradation of France. I will neither try its application myself, nor facilitate its trial by my successors. As long as I am the depositary of power, I shall make use of it to the whole extent of its legal limits to oppose what I regard as the ruin of my country. But I am convinced that the country thinks as I do. It was not the triumph of these theories which it wished at the last elections. That is not what was announced to it by those who took advantage of my name, and declared themselves resolved to sustain my power. Were it questioned anew, and in a way to prevent any misunderstanding, it would, I am sure, reject this confusion. I have had, then, this confusion. I have had, then, to choose-and it was my constitutional right-advisers who think like me on this point, which is, in reality, the only one in question. I remain none the less now, as hitherto, firmly resolved to respect and maintain the institutions which are the work of the Assembly from which I hold power, and which have constituted the Republic. Until 1880, I am the only man who could propose a change. I meditate nothing of the kind. All my advisers are, like me, determined to conduct the institutions loyally, and are incapable of striking any blow at them. I offer these considerations to your reflection and to the judgment of the country. To allay the emotion caused by recent incidents, I shall invite you to suspend your sittings for a certain time. When you resume them you will be able, suspending all other business, to apply yourselves to the discussion of the budget, which it is so important to bring soon to a conclusion. Meanwhile, my Government will watch over the public peace. At home it will suffer nothing which would imperil it abroad. It

will be maintained, I am confident, notwithstanding the agitations troubling one part of Europe, thanks to the good relations we maintain and mean to keep up with all the Powers, and to that policy of neutrality and abstention which has quite recently been explained to you, and which you have confirmed by your unanimous approval. On this point no difference of opinion arises among parties. They all desire the same end by the same means. The new ministry thinks exectly like the old; and, to attest this conformity of sentiments, the direction of foreign policy has remained in the same hands. If imprudence of speech or of the press endangered this accord which we all desire, I should employ all the means the law puts in my power to prevent it, and I appeal to the patriotism which, thank God! is never lacking in France in any class of citizens My ministers are about to read you the decree which, conformably with Article 24 of the Constitutional Law of the 16th of July, 1875, adjourns the Chamber for a month.

In the Senate, upon the conclusion of the reading of the message, M. Simon claimed the privilege of speaking, on the ground that the message necessitated a protest; but the Duc de Broglie objected, declaring the sitting over, and the president so decided. In the Chamber of Deputies, M. Fourtou was received with menacing gestures, cries, and outbursts of anger from both the Right and Left. Gambetta tried to speak at the close of the reading, but was compelled to sit down. The Chamber was then prorogued until June 16th.

M.

The immediate result of the change of ministry was, that on May 22d, four days after they entered into office, prefects in 62 departments were removed. Enforced resignations, transfers, placing on the unattached list, and all other known and even unusual proceedings, were resorted to.

After the session of the 18th, the Deputies of the Left held a meeting, in which an address to the country was adopted, and signed by M. Thiers, M. Léon Renault, M. Germain, and others of the most moderate Republicans, who had hitherto kept aloof from all party declarations. In this address they said:

After the 24th of May, the nation will show, by its coolness, patience, and resolution, that an incorrigible minority cannot wrest from it its own goverument. However painful this unexpected trial may be which is disturbing the interests, and which might compromise the success of the grand efforts of our industry for the great and pacific Universal Exhibition of 1878, whatever be the national anxiety amid the complications of European politics, France will let herself neither be deceived nor intimidated. She will resist every provocation. The Republican functionaries will remain at their posts, and await the decree which separates them from constituencies whose confidence they have. Those of our countrymen who have been called into the Elective Councils of the nation will redouble their zeal and activity, their devotion and patriotism, to maintain the rights and liberties of the country. We shall enter into direct communication with you. We call upon you to pronounce between the policy of reaction and ventures, which overturns all that six years have so painfully gained-the wise and firm, pacific and progressive policy which you have already consecrated. The trial will not be long. In five months at most France will speak; the Republic will issue, stronger than ever, from the popular

urns; the parties of the past will be finally vanquished; and France will be able to face the future with calmness and confidence.

Although the position of the new cabinet was by no means an agreeable one, they immediately set to work. On May 28th and 29th, 225 out of 277 sub-prefectures in France received new officers; 100 being the subject of transfers, 83 of dismissals, and 16 of resignations, while 26 officials were placed on the unattached list, or were appointed to other employments. On the 28th, the Duc de Broglie sent a circular to the Procureurs- Généraux, explaining that President MacMahon, exercising his constitutional prerogative, intervened to arrest the progress of radical theories incompatible with the peace of society and the great

ness of France. The minister invited public prosecutors to use redoubled vigilance and firmness to insure respect for the law established for the protection of morality, religion, and property, and particularly those laws defending them against the attacks of a licentious press. He recommended the procureurs to repress apologies for the Commune, offenses against the President, and, above all, false news, particularly the calumny that there existed in France a party in favor of a foreign war. Among the elements composing the Right, the Legitimists were decidedly dissatisfied with the situation. On June 11th, three Legitimist delegates-MM. Chesnelong, Belcastel, and Rhodes-Benavent-called on the President, who received them without his

ministers being present. They represented to him that their party had in no respect hostile intentions against him; but that they wished explanations on three points, about which they were deeply concerned: first, as to the composition of the present cabinet, from which the Legitimist element had been completely excluded; then, as to the Legitimist candidates, who, it was feared, would be beaten at the next election; and, lastly, as to the prolongation of his power, which the President was alleged to meditate, and which the Legitimist party could not but receive with alarm. To these questions the President replied as follows:

You know the difficulties surrounding the constitution of a cabinet-difficulties which have been just as great on this occasion as before. I could not change this cabinet without exposing myself to the charge of what was seen in the last change-a change of policy. My relations with foreign countries are necessarily a very serious concern to me. My duty

forbids that I should risk a change of the elements composing my present cabinet, seeing that it has stands on friendly terms, although the contrary has offended none of the Powers with which France been said. As to the Legitimist candidates, they belong to the Conservative groups, and any Legitimist candidate really having any chance of success will be openly and loyally supported by the Administration. With respect to schemes of prolonging my tenure of office during the prorogation, you may rest assured that I entertain none. I have received my right to remain in office until 1880 from the Assembly, and I shall remain, unless a contingency I shall immediately point out to you shall arise. In 1880 we shall see. Perhaps you will then be the first to come and ask me to prolong my tenure. Till then, therefore, nothing can be said; but I may tell you that the question of prolonging my office will not be considered during the prorogation, and that I shall lend myself to no coup de main whatever. Let me also tell you that I shall fend myself to no venture of Imperial, of monarchic restoration. I have souvenirs, and this from the Empire, just as I have souvenirs and connections with Legitimism. I am on excellent terms with the Orleans princes, and wish to preserve those terms; but I shall participate in nothing favor

able to the restoration, either of the Prince Imperial, or of the Comte de Chambord, or of the Comte dé Paris. I am, till 1880, invested with definite power by the Constitution. I shall exercise that power, according to circumstances, to its full extent; but I can pledge myself to no enterprise contrary to the constitutional laws to which you, also, are subject. Nor do I ask any pledge of you. It will, perhaps, be necessary to demand a dissolution. If you accord it me, I shall use it as well as possible. If you refuse it, I should then have two forces out of three against me, and should withdraw.

The month's prorogation expired on June 16th, when both Chambers reassembled. In the Senate, the Duc de Broglie ascended the tribune, and read the following message:

MM. LES SÉNATEURS: By virtue of article 3 of the constitutional law of the 25th of February, 1875, the President of the Republic is invested with the right of dissolving the Chamber of Deputies, with the concurrence of the Senate. This serious step now appears to me necessary. I ask you to give your assent to it. My ministers are deputed to explain to you the reasons which actuate me. On the 16th of May I had to declare to the country that disagreements existed between the Chamber of Deputies and myself. I showed that no ministry could maintain itself in that Chamber without seeking the alliance and meeting the conditions of the Radical party. A Government bound to such a necessity is no longer master of its own actions. Whatever its personal intentions, it is reduced to serving the ends of those whose support it has accepted, and to paving the way for their accession. It is this to which I would no longer lend myself. When such want of accord exists between the public powers, dissolution is the means provided by the Constitution itself for putting an end to it. I should, however, have preferred the date of it being delayed, in particular that before separating the Chambers should have been able to vote the budget of 1878. The month's prorogation which has just elapsed might have served to pacify men's minds and restore to them the calmness necessary for the discussion of affairs. This result has not been obtained. Scarcely was the prorogation pronounced when more than 300 Deputies protested in a manifesto, with whose terms you are acquainted, against the use I had made of my constitutional right. That manifesto has been circulated wholesale. A large number of those who signed it have supported it either by their letters to their constituents or by speeches delivered at numerously-attended meetings. Some, even under the protection of parliamentary privilege, have made use of such expressions, that justice has had to proceed against the newspapers which reproduced them. Such an agitation could not be prolonged without causing profound trouble. Those indulging in it cannot be surprised at my summoning them before the country which they have themselves addressed. I confine myself, therefore, to asking the Chamber of Deputies to vote some urgent bills which the patriotism of all parties will surely not allow to be challenged. The dissolution, then, promptly pronounced, will enable the new Chamber to meet in time to insure the supplies of next year. I shall address myself with confidence to the nation. France, like me, desires to maintain intact the institutions which govern us. She desires as much as I do that these institutions should not be disfigured by the action of Radicalism. She does not desire that in 1880-the day when the constitutional laws may be revised-everything should be prepared beforehand for the disorganization of all the moral and material forces of the country. Warned in time, guarding against all misunderstanding and ambiguity, France, I am sure, will do justice to my intention, and will choose for her representatives those who will promise to second me. You will feel the

necessity of deliberating without delay on the important resolution which is submitted to you.

This message was received with applause on the Right, and with protests and interruptions on the Left. It was finally referred to a committee. In the Chamber of Deputies, the session was characterized as the stormiest for many years. Every Deputy was present, feeling that not only his personal interest, but that of his party and his country, was at stake. The session extended over five hours and a half, and during most of that time there was one prolonged roar of vociferations from one end of the chamber to the other. After some formal business, M. Fourtou, the Minister of the Interior, read the message of the President. The following paragraph is of peculiar interest:

The President of the Republic remains convinced, after two sincere but fruitless trials, that no ministry can hope to muster a durable majority in this Assembly without asking to be backed by the party which professes Radical doctrines, and without thereby promoting the progress of them. Full of respect for the institutions which govern us, and resolved to maintain them intact, he thinks himself entitled to employ all the prerogatives which they give him to resist another step being taken in a path which seems to him to lead to the ruin and degradation of the country. He has chosen ministers who share his idea in this respect, and assume, in the eyes of France, the responsibility of it.

After it had been read, M. Paul Bethmont, in the course of a speech, made the following remarks:

The reason for the proceeding of the 16th of May was that the country was showing every day more and more enthusiasm for the Republican Assembly it had created. You have acknowledged in your newspapers that you were in despair. Even in Illeet-Vilaine there has been a fresh manifestation of opinion in favor of Republican institutions.

At this point M. Mitchell cried out, "It is false." The President saying, "M. Mitchell, your words are very unbecoming," M. Mitchell repeated his words. The President then said: "And I repeat that you are guilty of an impropriety which requires a censure. I shall consult the Chamber." The censure was then pronounced against M. Mitchell, several members of the Right, and M. Mitchell among them, voting ironically for it. During the whole of M. Bethmont's speech there were heard imprecations and insults which M. Grévy, the President, declared had never been equaled in the annals of French legislative history. After M. Bethmont, M. de Fourtou ascended the tribune to speak on behalf of the Government. The substance of his speech was as follows:

The disagreement between the majority of the Chamber and the President of the Republic can only be solved by the nation. M. Bethmont's speech is only a production of the protests against the act of the 16th of May. The Government have regretted, for the sake of the repose of the country, the false alarms and unfounded disquietudes which those manifestations tended to excite. They have regretted that the voice which counseled pacification was not