of those thus banished, being six of the most noted of their class, individuals well known to every one, Billy Mulligan, Charley Duane, Billy Carr, Martin Gallagher, Woolly Kearney, and Edward Bulger, were sent away by the Panama steamer of June 5. It was not judged prudent at that early date to do it publicly, for fear of commotion, and they were embarked quietly, after the steamer had left the wharf. But very different was the action in relation to the next detachment, July 5. Before that time, the power and authority of the Committee had become so perfectly and so solidly established, that they were taken to the steamer "John L. Stephens," as publicly as any other passengers. It was well known that they were to go, and I saw them walking about the deck of the steamer, among the crowd, before their departure, apparently unnoticed and unguard ed. A strong detachment of Vigilance Com. mittee soldiers had been detailed to be present on the wharf, and superintend their deportation. Each man thus exiled had received from No. 33, Secretary, official notice that if he ever returned to the State, it would be at the peril of his life. Nor did any of them ever do it until, in December, the order of banishment was formally rescinded by the executive.

An outbreak occurred June 22d, which almost equaled in its fiery excitement the days of the initial week. Sterling Hopkins had been ordered by the executive council to bring before them Reuben Maloney. In attempting to make the arrest, Hopkins was stabbed by David S. Terry, Judge of the Supreme Court. Terry and the men who were with him, including Maloney, ran for refuge to the armory of the Blues, on the northeast corner of Dupont Street and Jackson. The alarm was given by rapid and heavy blows on the triangle at headquarters. I was in the upper part of the city at the moment, and did not hear it, but a man who chanced to be close at hand told me that not half a dozen blows had been struck, before the sounds that he heard from Front Street seemed to him like the firing of a volley. It was the hurried closing

of the iron doors and shutters of the warehouses and stores, as each man dropped business, seized his arms, and hurried to the muster. No man knew when, if ever, his doors would be opened again, but the first man who held back at the summons has yet to be found.

I was coming down Washington Street, and the first token I had of the alarm was the sight of a Vigilance company approaching on the double quick, and each man making his very best time; other companies were rushing on after them. I fell in and ran with the first. As we reached the armory, I saw a noted politician, the naval agent, Dick Ashe, on the second story balcony, declaiming violently. All I heard was, "I am glad I did it. I would do it again," as he stepped inside and slammed the iron shutters behind him. In less than twenty minutes we had 4,000 men drawn up, inclosing the entire block, and in a very few minutes more we had taken out from the armory the Law and Order men who had fled to it, and they were on their way to 1051⁄2 Sacramento Street.

If Hop

The city was at once in a whirl, and for days the excitement was intense. kins had died, Judge Terry would, beyond question, have been hanged. But the result of the wound was doubtful for weeks in succession, and as during this time the position and power of the Committee had become so fully established that they could afford to exercise leniency, Terry was eventually set at liberty after his victim had completely recovered. Charges were freely made against the executive council, that the official position of the criminal served to protect him, that a man of less note would have been severely punished, etc. Whether there was justice in such charges, I do not feel that I am called on to express an opinion.

I pass over now a space of about a month. All active power was quietly and peacefully in the hands of the committee. Never was a city in better order or in the enjoyment of a more perfect state of security and tranquillity. The ordinary courts of law, even to the police court, were in session as usual, no one

interfering with them. The streets at night were perfectly still and free from disturbance. I no longer thought of a pistol as a thing required at any hour of the night, as I might be out on professional service; the only sound that I could hear was the tramp of a horse of a vigilance patrol, who would ride up until he recognized me, and pass on. Drinking shops were closed at midnight or earlier, and even when they were open, no noise came from them. Bad men were in dread of the strong hand; good men rejoiced in it. During this time, the opposition of the Law and Order Party was steadily manifesting itself less and less; not that they felt any the less bitterness in the matter, but that they saw only too plainly to be mistaken that their sun had set, and the conviction was very strong with them that it would never rise again: and the result has shown that they judged correctly.

An outbreak of violence occurred July 24, which however, instead of creating alarm, only served to show the firm hold of the Committee, and the strong contrast between their government and that under which we had previously been living. A savage murder was committed, in open daylight, in the public office of the St. Nicholas Hotel, on Sansome Street. Dr. Andrew Randall, a well known and wealthy land-owner, was shot dead by Joseph Hetherington. The quarrel was a sharp one, arising from a dispute as to the title to a certain piece of real estate. In the quarrel and the murder there was nothing special; nothing more than what may and does occur frequently in any community-a fierce return for an imagined or a real injury. The point of interest to us is the promptness and the sharpness with which justice was rendered for the crime. Hetherington was at once arrested by a city policeman, but was surrendered readily by him to the Vigilance officers, on order from the executive; put immediately on trial, which proceeded with due formality; was found guilty, sentenced to death, and hanged, in accordance with that sentence, on the 29th, five days from the date of the murder. On the same scaffold with him, and at the same

time, was hanged Charles Brace, who had committed a murder outside the city, been arrested by the Vigilance Committee, tried, and sentenced to death, just before Hethererington's crime.

This was the last act of retributive justice found necessary by the Committee during the months of its active and public existence. Its work was now very nearly ended; ended, because no further need remained for its interference with the ordinary routine of affairs. The feeling of satisfaction with the work accomplished was so far universal as to entirely sway the community; for those who were in heart against the Committee refrained from movement. The better element of the population throughout the city felt that they were living under a good government, and that it was in our power to perpetuate it, in due and statutory form. The season was approaching for the regular election of city officers. It was proposed and discussed freely for several weeks, to nominate for the entire ticket men in whom we could have full confidence, not only for ability but for honesty of purpose and of action, without the slightest regard for their present or past political alliances. And it was done. Republican and Democrat had disappeared, and what was designated the People's Ticket had taken their place. The primary elections were held August 25th, and the remark was freely and no doubt truly made, "That is the first honest primary ever held in San Francisco."

The election that duly followed placed the city government in the hands of the People's Party, by a majority so very great that it might almost have been called a unanimous vote. And it may be remarked in passing, that their rule was so judicious, economical, and uniformly prudent, that very few changes were made in the three years ensuing. For city officers, the People's ticket met small opposition. For national, and mostly for State matters, men followed their former party lines, but ignored them on home affairs. By and by, of course, party leaders strove hard to break up this state of things, and to whip into the party traces all

whom they could reach; and as it was now plain that the days of old had passed forever, and that elections were fairly made as in any other city, party lines took their places, and all were content to have it so. And it is simply a fact, that from that day to this there has been no city of its size in the United States that could point with more pride to its municipal management than could San Francisco.

And I say distinctly, and with entire confidence, that all of this is fairly due and to be credited to the Vigilance Committee of 1856, and that without the events of that memorable week in May which we have been considering, and the consecutive events belonging to it, no such security to life and property, no such prosperity to the city, no such solid and enduring establishment of law, statute law, in all its forms, and realities, and perfection, could have ever been secured. We broke the law in order to establish the law, and I may say that we did it thoroughly and completely.

Just before the election that placed the People's Party in power, the Vigilance Committee ceased its public manifestations, for it was plain that they were no longer needed. It was held to be advisable to make a full parade of the forces under command, as a final display, a grand military festival, and it was done. The day was August 18. Something over 4000 men were under arms; and when the men were dismissed that night, they were no longer Vigilance Committee soldiers, except in enrollment and in readi

ness to respond to call-which fortunately has never since been required for active service.

One act more needs mention. The edict of banishment against those who had been sent away was formally rescinded by the executive council December 7th, and the banished men were free to return if they so chose. It was well known that their day for doing injury had gone. Some of these came; most of them did not. Those who did, lived the lives that such men are apt to live, and some of them have already died the deaths of violence that such men are apt to die; but their rowdy and riotous doings were nothing more than they would have been in New York or Boston.

It may naturally be asked, whether the leaders of the Committee have ever suffered, judicially or otherwise, for their notorious in fractions of the nominal law. Various attempts were certainly made to find indictments against them, and suits for damages were instituted by some of those that had been sent out of the country. It is not necessary to follow these in detail. Suffice it to say that they all, one after another, in due succession, passed out of existence, and nothing was accomplished by them. The worthy and respected citizens who led the movement, known and acknowledged by all, remained worthy and respected still. Part of them yet live to enjoy the fruits of honorable service, and part of them, during these thirty years, have crossed the river to the other shore.

W. O. Ayres.