they made their entry with their prisoner some short time after mid-day; and these add, that a vast body of people came forth to gaze on the once great man in his distress, when the populace met him with insults, and rejoiced aloud in his downfall. He was finally taken to the royal palace and confined in a dark retired apartment, of which Aben Abed himself retained the keys. "The guard who had brought him to the city," according to certain of the ancient authorities, "had no sooner resigned their charge into the hands of those belonging to the palace than they retired to make the prayer of Alazar,* and offered their thanksgiving in the mosque while still in their black armour and clothing."

During the course of that same night, Aben Omar requested that a light, with paper and ink, might be brought to him, when he was furnished with the means of writing, and, in effect, he wrote some well-expressed and elegant verses to the king, which he sent by means of the Infant Arraxid, and wherein he said: "I know, my Lord, the right which thou dost hold to my life, but I confide in the love which must still remain for me in thy heart, since none can know the loyalty of my service to thee as thou dost know it, nor can any other man divine the zeal with which I have laboured in thy behalf." To these lines King Aben Abed replied in verses of the same measure, which he wrote on the reverse of the paper sent him by Aben Omar, and wherein he said: "Evil are the times which the Fates are announcing to Oksonoba and to Xelbe; deep also is the wail, and bitter are the tears that shall pour from the eyes and heart of thy hapless mother, even Semsa; profound shall be the sorrows of her inheritance and lasting the grief of her age."

Aben Omar was visited in his prison by the Infant Obeidallah Arraxid, who admired him for the brilliancy of his genius. He likewise received the visits of the Alimes, Iza Alestad Abul Hegiag and Muhamad Aben Ahmed, with those of Abu Becar Ben Zeidun, and other men of distinction, who were yet by no means well affected towards his interests. Aben Omar had at first believed that the king was somewhat moved by his supplications, and had even received intimation to the effect that his life was not to be taken;

*Alazar: afternoon.

but those visitors, who were his enemies, now gave him to understand that Aben Abed had determined on his death; wherefore the prisoner uttered very bitter complaints to the Infant Obeidallah, and said to him: "My Lord, I now perceive that my fate is determined, and the close of my destiny has become clearly manifest to me. The malignant winds of envy and hatred have carried down the light airs of life and joy which Muleyna* was breathing. Yesterday my sovereign did not propose to deprive me of life, but to-day he does but extend my hours that he may the better decide by what mode of torment be can put an end to them in the manner most pleasing to my enemies."

And in effect, after this visit of the Alimes, those men found means to excite the anger of Aben Abed so violently against his captive, that he burst into the apartment where he was confined in a fit of rage, and struck off the head of Aben Omar with his own scimitar. Speaking of this

matter, Abdel Gelil Ben Wahbon affirms that there was no man whose eyes were seen to shed a tear for the departed statesman, nor was there a voice upraised to say, "Let there come a withering to the hand of the slayer!" Such, then, was the reward of the artifices and crooked policy to which Aben Omar had devoted those abilities wherewith it had pleased Allah to endow him. His death took place at the commencement of the year 479.

And now, as Aben Abed, King of Seville, perceived that Alfonso Ben Ferdeland, not content with having obtained possession of Medina and Toledo, was pouring his victorious troops over the land, impetuous as winter floods that descend from the mountains, and as he found, moreover, that the King of Gallicia was occupying all the plains which are watered by the Tagus, he thought it now time to put an end to those aggressions, since he greatly dreaded the aggrandizement of the Christian king, who had already made himself master of many towns and fortresses, such as Maglit,+ Maquida and Guadilhijara, which he had seized

* Muleyna: Hope.-TR.

Maglit. This is considered by some of the authorities to be Madrid; and the mention here made of that city is believed to be the first occurring in history.-TR.

without finding any force to resist him. He therefore wrote to Alfonso, requiring that he should desist from his attacks on the remaining territory of Toledo, and should content himself with that city; thus fulfilling the promises which he (Alfonso) had made to the King of Seville when they had formed their treaty of alliance.

To this the King of Gallicia replied that he was still ready to perform all that he had promised, and in proof of this declaration he sent Aben Abed five hundred cavaliers to assist him in his attempts on Granada. He furthermore assured his ally that he had forgotten no part of his compact, but was prepared to march a select body of cavaliers, for the service of the King of Seville, into Andalusia; but he added that the towns he had taken were his own and those of the King of Valencia, who was also his friend and ally. For so did Alfonso now call Yahye Ben Almamun, although the latter was in fact the compelled tributary and vassal of the Christian king.

The body of cavalry thus announced did, in fact, enter Andalusia, all clothed in their armour of iron; and being considered the auxiliaries of Aben Abed, they met no resistance, but remained during three days before the gates of Seville, after which they returned to Xiduna, where the king then was.

Much amazed at the sight of this force, Aben Abed then spoke with the Christian commanders, whom he ordered to return to their master, declaring that he was about to make peace with the King of Granada, and required no further succours against him. But in his secret mind Aben Abed had already begun to meditate the ruin of Alfonso Ben Ferdeland. The Christians therefore returned within their borders, but they devastated the lands of Toledo on their line of march, made prey of all the flocks they could find, and led captive such women and children as they could get into their hands.

Aben Abed then wrote to the Kings of Granada, Almeria, and Algarve, proposing to them that an assembly should be held for the discussion of such matters as concerned the defence of the state and the common weal of all the Moslemah of Spain; whereupon it was agreed that a congress or junta of Cadies should be assembled at Seville; the King of

Granada sending his Cadilcoda, and the sovereign of Badajoz his Cadi, Abu Ishac Ben Mokina. Abu Giaffar of Alcolia was the ambassador of Granada. The Vizier Abu Becar Mohamed arrived from Cordova with Abdallah Ben Zeidun; Abul Walid of Beja likewise appeared. All these Cadies assembled in the Aljama of Seville, where they were joined by the Cadi of that city.

Now the opinion of Abu Becar Ben Adahim was expressed to the effect that they should write to Jusef Ben Taxfin, Prince of the Almoravides, whose name, and his conquests in Africa, had become highly celebrated in Spain, nor was there any one of the assembly who opposed himself to this opinion, with the sole exception of Zagût, the Wali of Malaga, who declared that to invite the conqueror of Mauritania into Spain was not advisable. He added that Jusef Ben Taxifin might very probably destroy the power of Alfonso, but that he would then almost certainly place chains on themselves which they might afterwards find it difficult to break. He declared that if they were all of good faith and would cordially unite, with no other object than the true interest of religion, they would without doubt obtain the blessing of God, by whom they would be aided in the conquest of their common enemy, the Christian King of Gallicia, who had owed his aggrandisement solely to their own discord and divisions. The Cadi concluded by saying: "Be united, and you cannot fail to be conquerors; but do not suffer the ancient dwellers on the sandy deserts of Africa to plant their feet on the pleasant fields of Andalusia and Valencia." But this advice was not followed; on the contrary, Zagut was treated as a bad Mosleman, and as one not in communion with those of the Faith.

The King of Seville, Aben Abed, now desiring to gain the good-will of the King of Algarve, demanded the hand of a beautiful daughter of that sovereign in marriage, and a treaty of peace was formed between those monarchs; while Omar Ben Alaftas, King of Badajoz, was charged to write letters, in the name of all the Ameers of Spain represented in that assembly, requesting the Prince of the Almoravides to pass into Spain for the purpose of restraining the pride of King Alfonso, who was casting thunders and lightnings around him, which were threatening the total ruin of Islam.

Ambassadors were then appointed, who were to be the bearers of these missives into the land of Mauritania.

CHAP. IX.-OF THE ALMORAVIDES, AND THEIR WARS IN AFRICA.

AND now, since the Almoravides and their princes became masters of Spain, it will not be inopportune here to give a short notice of that Moorish people, with a sketch of the origin of their most famous conquests; which were, in fact, the cause of their admission into Andalusia. We will first describe the origin of the Multimines, or Almoravides of the tribe of Lamta, who came from the Desert which extends along the east of Africa, with their General, Abu Bekir ; whose origin we will also declare in this place, together with the causes which moved him to leave the Desert, and the manner in which he rose to the government of the tribes, thus giving rise to a new and powerful empire on the coasts of Africa; those lands, namely, which lie on the hither side of the Mountains of Daren, and which the ancients called Mauritania.

The Cabila, or Family of the Multimines, derived its origin from a tribe of still higher antiquity, called the Lamtuna, from the name of their first known ancestor, who was called Lamtu. He was the kinsman of Gudala and Mustafa, who were both chiefs and progenitors of the tribes that bore those names. These men made boast of their descent from another yet more ancient and noble tribe, called that of Sanhaga, of the old blood of Humair, which was that of the first kings of Yemen, or Arabia Felix, where their ancestors dwelt, without deigning to mingle their race with that of the men of Barbary, nor ever permitting their daughters to enter the families of the latter, by marriage with their sons.

The tribe of Sanhaga departed for Yemen and retired into the Desert, in consequence of certain wars, the result of which must otherwise have been to compel them to that mingling of races, and communion with the men of Barbary, to which they were not content to submit. Being poor, they used but one piece of clothing, yet this sufficed to wrap the whole person; and other writers than those we have