members from the House of Commons, and, thus left master of the field, with no rival to its sway in the political arena, listened with delight to Hugh Peters, exclaiming in the midst of one of his sermons, "Now I have it by revelation, now I shall tell you, this army must root up monarchy, not only here but in France, and other kingdoms round about; this is to bring you out of Egypt! This army is that corner-stone cut out of the mountain, which must dash the powers of the earth to pieces. But it is objected, the way we walk in is without precedent. What think you of the Virgin Mary? Was there ever any precedent before, that a woman should conceive a child without the company of a man? This is an age to make examples and precedents in."* In the midst of these outbursts of joy and pride, on the very day on which the last remnant of the Presbyterians retired from the House of Commons, Cromwell resumed his seat in that assembly. "God is my witness," said he, "that I was not acquainted with what has been done in this House of late; but, since it is done, I am glad of it, and will endeavour to maintain it." Before two months had elapsed, the work was completed; the king had been judged, and the Republic proclaimed. Ludlow had sat in the High Court of the regicides; he still sat in the republican Council of State, and laboured, with as much confidence as disinterestedness, to introduce a little order and probity into the new form of government, which had at length been conquered for his country. Cromwell invariably sat by Ludlow's side in the House of Commons. One day, he said to him, "I have observed an alteration in your looks and carriage towards me, and I apprehend that you entertain some suspicions of me. Now, being persuaded of the tendency of the designs of us both to the advancement of the public service, I am desirous that a meeting may be appointed, wherein we may with freedom discover the grounds of our mistakes and misapprehensions, and create a good understanding between us for the future." "You have discovered in me," answered Ludlow, "what I have never perceived in myself. If I trouble you not so frequently as formerly, it is either because I am conscious of that weight of business that lies upon you, or that I have nothing to importune you withal, upon my own or any other account; but, * Walker's History of Independency, part 2, p. 50. † Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 105. since you are pleased to do me the honour to desire a free conversation with me, I am ready at any time." During the afternoon of the same day, on leaving the Council of State, they went into a room which had formerly been used as the queen's guard-chamber. Cromwell then entered into an explanation of his past conduct, his secret negotiations with the king, and his severity towards some republican soldiers. "It has been a necessity incumbent upon me," he said, " to do several things that appear extraordinary in the judgment of some men, who, in opposition to me, take such courses as would bring ruin upon themselves, as well as upon me and the public cause; but my intentions are directed entirely to the good of the people, and I am ready to sacrifice my life in their service. I desire nothing more than that the government of the nation may be settled in a free and equal commonwealth. There is no other probable means to keep out the old family and government from returning upon us; and I look upon the design of the Lord in this day to be the freeing of his people from every burden. I believe that He is now accomplishing what is prophesied in the 110th Psalm; and am often encouraged from the consideration of it to attend the effecting of those ends." He then spent about an hour in repeating and commenting upon the 110th Psalm, alternately receiving and refuting Ludlow's observations, and his persevering, but timid references to the past. At length, changing the subject, he said, "I intend to contribute the utmost of my endeavours to make a thorough reformation of the clergy and law; but the sons of Zeruiah are yet too strong for us, and we cannot mention the reformation of the law but they presently cry out that we design to destroy property; whereas the law, as it is now constituted, serves only to maintain the lawyers, and to encourage the rich to oppress the poor. Mr. Čoke, now Justice of Ireland, by proceeding in a summary and expeditious way, determines more causes in a week than Westminster Hall in a year. Ireland is as a clean paper in this particular, and capable of being governed by such laws as should be found most agreeable to justice; which may be so impartially administered, as to be a good precedent even to England itself. When the English once perceive that property is preserved at an easy and cheap rate in Ireland, they will never permit themselves to be so cheated and abused as now they are." From the administration of justice in Ireland, Cromwell passed to its military government. "The whole weight of it," he said, “lies upon Major-General Ireton, and, if he should by death, or any other accident, be removed from that station, the conduct of that part would probably fall into the hands of such men as, either by principle or interest, are not proper for that trust, and of whom I have no certain assurance. Some person of reputation and known fidelity should be sent over to command the horse there, and to assist Ireton in the service of the public. Can you name any one who you think is sufficiently qualified for that station ?" Ludlow proposed Colonel Algernon Sidney. "No," said Cromwell, "he is related to many who are in the king's interest; Colonel Norton or Hammond would do better; but Hammond, by his late deportment with relation to the king, has so disobliged the army, that I apprehend he would not be acceptable to them. Ireland is a fine country; try and think of some person capable of that employment."* Ludlow now began to comprehend his meaning, and made up his mind to refuse the offer. He had just married a wife, and purchased an estate; his private affairs required his personal superintendence. But the Council of State interfered; the House of Commons commanded. Ludlow was appointed Lieutenant-General of the Horse in Ireland. He had an interview with Cromwell himself, explained to him his situation, and represented the immense injury which this appointment might cause him. "Men's private affairs," said Cromwell, "must give place to those of the public; I have seriously considered the matter, and I cannot find a person so fit for the employment as yourself."+ Ludlow yielded, and left England; and in January, 1651, less than two months after the establishment of the Republic, Cromwell had decently removed, from the Parliament and from England, that Republican whom he considered the most troublesome of his opponents. Two years more elapsed, and the Republic had ceased to exist. Ludlow had served it valiantly and honestly. With brilliant courage and uncommon capacity, he had carried on a difficult and melancholy war, which had been equally ruinous to his health and his fortune. He had narrowly escaped dying of pleurisy while besieging Castle Clare; and he had expended, out of his own resources, 45007. sterling, besides his salary. His conduct was guided by a disinterestedness even more rare than pecuniary liberality-the disinterestedness of * Ludlow's Memoirs, pp. 122-123. + Ibid., p. 124. self-love. Though possessed of the chief command in Ireland for more than six months after the death of Ireton,* he had yielded it up without a murmur to Fleetwood, who was sent out in distrust of him,† and had served under his orders with the same zeal as if he had been himself in command. More than this, when Cromwell, in 1653, expelled the Long Parliament, Ludlow, notwithstanding his indignation, remained at his post, partly out of fidelity to the Republican cause, partly out of consideration to some of his friends who had not yet separated from Cromwell, but chiefly in obedience to that irresistible bias which urges even the purest partisans from concession to concession, when they feel they are gravely compromised. But, in 1654, when the news arrived at Cork that the Barebones Parliament had been dissolved,‡ and that Cromwell had been proclaimed Protector,§ Ludlow's patience came to an end. He stoutly opposed the proclamation of the Protector in Ireland,|| and resigned all participation in the civil administration of the country, as he was determined not to recognise the new power. He attempted, however, to retain his military functions. He held his command from the Republican Parliament, and might employ his authority for its restoration. It cost him a great deal also to separate himself entirely from a government for which he had fought so long, and to believe irremediable an evil which he had so little foreseen. The Protector sent his son Henry into Ireland to observe persons and things, and inform him of the result. Ludlow received him with many marks of attention, placed his house and horses at his disposal; and when talking with him in his garden, on the day that Henry Cromwell was to return to England, “I acquainted him," says Ludlow, "with the grounds of my dissatisfaction with the present state of affairs in England, which I assured him was in no sort personal, but would be the same were my own father alive, and in the place of his. He told me that his father looked upon me to be dissatisfied upon a distinct account from most men in the three nations; and thereupon affirmed that he knew it to be his resolution to carry himself with all tenderness towards me. I told him that I ought to have so much charity for his father, to believe that he apprehended his late undertaking to have been abso *Ireton died on November 27th, 1651. On the 9th of July, 1652. On the 12th of December, 1653. 6 lutely necessary, being well assured that he was not so weak a man to decline his former station, wherein his power was as great, and his wealth as much as any rational man could wish, to procure to himself nothing but envy and trouble. I supposed he would have agreed with me in these sentiments; but he, instead of that, acknowledged the ambition of his father in these words: You, that are here, may think he had power, but they made a very kickshaw of him at London.' I replied that, if it were so, they did ill, for he had deserved much from them. Then I proceeded to acquaint him with my resolution not to act in any civil employment, and my expectation not to be permitted to continue in my military command; to which he answered, that he was confident I should receive no interruption therein. I told him I could not foresee what his father would do; but inclined to think that no other man in his case would permit it. To this I added, that the reason of my drawing a sword in this war, was to remove those obstructions that the civil magistrate met with in the discharge of his duty; which being now accomplished, I could not but think that all things ought for the future to run in their proper and genuine channel; for as the extraordinary remedy is not to be used till the ordinary fail to work its proper effect, so ought it to be continued no longer than the necessity of using it subsists; whereas, this that they called a government, had no other means to preserve itself but such as were violent, which, not being natural, could not be lasting. Would you, then,' said he, have the sword laid down? I cannot but think you believe it to be as much your interest to have it kept up as any man.' I confessed I had been of that opinion whilst I was persuaded there was a necessity of it, which seeming to me to be now over, I accounted it to be much more my interest to see it well laid down, there being a vast difference between using the sword to restore the people to their rights and privileges, and the keeping it up for the robbing and despoiling them of the same. But company coming in, we could not be permitted to continue our discourse."* Henry Cromwell left Ireland; and, on his arrival at Chester, being questioned as to the state in which he had left affairs in Ireland, "Very well," he answered; "only some who are in love with their power must be removed."+ Next year Ludlow arrived in London, stripped of all em* Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 187. + Thurloe's State Papers, vol. ii., p. 150. |