prodigal of his own. He had abundance of eloquence1, though but little wisdom. His insatiable ambition was always pur

suing objects extravagant, romantic, and unattainable.

Since the time of Sylla's dictatorship, a strong desire of seizing the government possessed him, nor did he at all care, provided that he secured powers for himself, by what means he might arrive at it. His violent spirit was daily more and more hurried on by the diminution of his patrimony, and by his consciousness of guilt; both which evils he had increased by those practices which I have mentioned above. The corrupt morals of the state, too, which extravagance and selfishness, pernicious and contending vices, rendered thoroughly depraved1, furnished him with additional incentives to action.

Since the occasion has thus brought public morals under my notice, the subject itself seems to call upon me to look back, and briefly to describe the conduct of our ancestors in

1 Abundance of eloquence] Satis eloquentiæ. Cortius reads loquentiæ. “Loquentia is a certain facility of speech not necessarily attended with sound sense; called by the Greeks λaλía." Bernouf. "Julius Candidus used excellently to observe that eloquentia was one thing, and loquentia another; for eloquence is given to few, but what Candidus called loquentia, or fluency of speech, is the talent of many, and especially of the most impudent." Plin. Ep. v., 20. But eloquentiæ is the reading of most of the MSS., and loquentiæ, if Aulus Gellius (i., 15) was rightly informed, was a correction of Valerius Probus, the grammarian, who said that Sallust must have written so, as eloquentiæ could not agree with sapientia parum. This opinion of Probus, however, may be questioned. May not Sallust have written eloquentiæ, with the intention of signifying that Catiline had abundance of eloquence to work on the minds of others, though he wanted prudence to regulate his own conduct? Have there not been other men of whom the same may be said, as Mirabeau, for example? The speeches that Sallust puts into Catiline's mouth (c. 20, 58) are surely to be characterised rather as eloquentia than loquentia. On the whole, and especially from the concurrence of MSS., I prefer to read eloquentia, with the more recent editors, Gerlach, Kritz, and Dietsch. 2 Since the time of Sylla's dictatorship] Post dominationem Lucii Syllæ. "The meaning is not the same as if it were finitâ dominatione, but is the same as ab eo tempore quo dominari cœperat. In French, therefore, post should be rendered by depuis, not, as it is commonly translated, après." Bernouf. As dictator was the title that Sylla assumed, I have translated dominatio, "dictatorship." Rose, Gordon, and others, render it "usurpation."

3 Power] Regnum. Chief authority, rule, dominion.

4 Rendered thoroughly depraved] Vexabant. "Corrumpere et pessundare studebant." Bernouf. Quos vexabant, be it observed, refers to mores, as Gerlach and Kritz interpret, not to cives understood in civitatis, which is the evidently erroneous method of Cortius.

5 Conduct of our ancestors] Instituta majorum. The principles adopted by our

peace and war; how they managed the state, and how powerful they left it; and how, by gradual alteration, it be came, from being the most virtuous, the most vicious and depraved.

VI. Of the city of Rome, as I understand1, the founders and earliest inhabitants were the Trojans, who, under the conduct of Æneas, were wandering about as exiles from their country, without any settled abode; and with these were joined the Aborigines?, a savage race of men, without laws or government, free, and owning no control. How easily these. two tribes, though of different origin, dissimilar language, and opposite habits of life, formed a union when they met within the same walls, is almost incredible3. But when their state, from an accession of population and territory, and an improved condition of morals, showed itself tolerably flourishing and powerful, envy, as is generally the case in human affairs, was the consequence of its prosperity. The neighbouring kings and people, accordingly, began to assail them in war, while a few only of their friends came to their support; for the rest, struck with alarm, shrunk from sharing their dangers. But the Romans, active at home and in the field, prepared with alacrity for their defence1. They encouraged one another, and hurried to meet the enemy. They protected, with their arms, their liberty, their country, and their homes. And when they had at length repelled danger by valour, they lent assistance to their allies and supporters, and procured friendships rather by bestowing favours than by receiving them.

ancestors, with regard both to their own conduct, and to the management of the state. That this is the meaning, is evident from the following account.

1 VI. As I understand] Sicut ego accepi. "By these words he plainly shows that nothing certain was known about the origin of Rome. The reader may consult Livy, lib. i.; Justin, lib. xliii.; and Dionys. Halicar., lib. i.; all of whom attribute its rise to the Trojans." Bernouf.

2 Aborigines] Aborigines. The original inhabitants of Italy; the same as indigenæ, or the Greek 'Avróxoves.

3 Almost incredible] Incredibile memoratu. "Non credi potest, si memoratur; superat omnem fidem." Pappaur. Yet that which actually happened, cannot be absolutely incredible; and I have, therefore, inserted almost. Prepared with alacrity for their defence] Festinare, parare. prepared." "Intenti ut festinanter pararent ea, quæ defensioni aut bello usui essent." Pappaur.

"Made haste,

5 Procured friendships rather by bestowing, &c.] Magisque dandis, quam ac

They had a government regulated by laws. The denomi nation of their government was monarchy. Chosen men, whose bodies might be enfeebled by years, but whose minds were vigorous in understanding, formed the council of the state; and these, whether from their age, or from the similarity of their duty, were called FATHERS1. But afterwards, when the monarchical power, which had been originally esta blished for the protection of liberty, and for the promotion of the public interest, had degenerated into tyranny and oppression, they changed their plan, and appointed two magistrates, with power only annual; for they conceived that, by this method, the human mind would be least likely to grow overbearing through want of control.

VII. At this period every citizen began to seek distinction, and to display his talents with greater freedom; for, with princes, the meritorious are greater objects of suspicion than the undeserving, and to them the worth of others is a source of alarm. But when liberty was secured, it is almost incredible3 how much the state strengthened itself in a short space of time, so strong a passion for distinction had pervaded it. Now, for the first time, the youth, as soon as they were able to bear the toils of wart, acquired military skill by actual service in the camp, and took pleasure rather in splendid arms and military steeds than in the society of mistresses and convivial indulgence. To such men no toil was unusual, no place was difficult or inaccessible, no armed enemy was for

cipiundis beneficiis amicitias parabant. Thucyd. ii., 40: 'Ov táoxovtes Ev, ἀλλὰ δρῶντες, κτώμεθα τοὺς φίλους.

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1 FATHERS] PATRES. (Romulus) appointed that the direction of the state should be in the hands of the old men, who, from their authority, were called Fathers; from their age, Senatus." Florus, i., 1. Senatus from senex. ab honore-appellati." Livy.

"Patres

2 Two magistrates] Binos imperatores. The two consuls. They were more properly called imperatores at first, when the law, which settled their power, said "Regio imperio duo sunto" (Cic. de Legg. iii., 4), than afterwards, when the people and tribunes had made encroachments on their authority.

3 VII. Almost incredible] Incredibile memoratu. See above, c. 6.

* Able to bear the toils of war] Laboris ac belli patiens. As by laboris the ·labour of war is evidently intended, I have thought it better to render the words in this manner. The reading is Cortius's. Havercamp and others have “simul ac belli patiens erat, in castris per iaborem usu militiam discebat;" but per laborem usu is assuredly not the hand of Sallust.

midable; their valour had overcome everything. But among themselves the grand rivalry was for glory; each sought to be first to wound an enemy, to scale a wall, and to be noticed while performing such an exploit. Distinction such as this they regarded as wealth, honour, and true nobility1. They were covetous of praise, but liberal of money; they desired competent riches, but boundless glory. I could mention, but that the account would draw me too far from my subject, places in which the Roman people, with a small body of men, routed vast armies of the enemy; and cities which, though fortified by nature, they carried by assault.

VIII. But, assuredly, Fortune rules in all things. She makes everything famous or obscure rather from caprice than in conformity with truth. The exploits of the Athenians, as far as I can judge, were very great and glorious?, yet something inferior to what fame has represented them. But because writers of great talent flourished there, the actions of the Athenians are celebrated over the world as the most splendid of achievements. Thus, the merit of those who have acted is estimated at the highest point to which illustrious intellects could exalt it in their writings.

But among the Romans there was never any such abundance of writers3; for, with them, the most able men were the most actively employed. No one exercised the mind independently of the body; every man of ability chose to act rather than narrate1, and was more desirous that his own merits should be celebrated by others, than that he himself should record theirs.

IX. Good morals, accordingly, were cultivated in the city

1 Honour and true nobility] Bonam famam magnamque nobilitatem.

2 VIII. Very great and glorious] Satis ampla magnificæque. In speaking of this amplification of the Athenian exploits, he alludes, as Colerus observes, to the histories of Thucydides, Xenophon, and perhaps Herodotus; not, as Wasse seems to imagine, to the representations of the poets.

3 There was never any such abundance of writers] Nunquam ea copia fuit. I follow Kuhnhardt, who thinks copia equivalent to multitudo. Others render it advantage, or something similar; which seems less applicable to the passage. Compare c. 28: Latrones-quorum magna copia erat.

Chose to act rather than narrate] "For," as Cicero says, "neither among those who are engaged in establishing a state, nor among those carrying on wars, nor among those who are curbed and restrained under the rule of kings, is the desire of distinction in eloquence wont to arise." Graswinckelius.

and in the camp. There was the greatest possible concord, and the least possible avarice. Justice and probity prevailed among the citizens, not more from the influence of the laws than from natural inclination. They displayed animosity, enmity, and resentment only against the enemy. Citizens contended with citizens in nothing but honour. They were magnificent in their religious services, frugal in their families, and steady in their friendships.

By these two virtues, intrepidity in war, and equity in peace, they maintained themselves and their state. Of their exercise of which virtues, I consider these as the greatest proofs; that, in war, punishment was oftener inflicted on those who attacked an enemy contrary to orders, and who, when commanded to retreat, retired too slowly from the contest, than on those who had dared to desert their standards, or, when pressed by the enemy1, to abandon their posts; and that, in peace, they governed more by conferring benefits than by exciting terror, and, when they received an injury, chose rather to pardon than to revenge it.

X. But when, by perseverance and integrity, the republic had increased its power; when mighty princes had been vanquished in war; when barbarous tribes and populous states had been reduced to subjection; when Carthage, the rival of Rome's dominion, had been utterly destroyed, and sea and land lay everywhere open to her sway, Fortune then began to exercise her tyranny, and to introduce universal innovation. To those who had easily endured toils, dangers, and doubtful and difficult circumstances, ease and wealth, the objects of desire to others, became a burden and a trouble. At first the love of money, and then that of power, began to prevail, and these became, as it were, the sources of every evil. For avarice subverted honesty, integrity, and other honourable principles, and, in their stead, inculcated pride, inhumanity, contempt of religion, and general venality. Ambition prompted many to become deceitful; to keep one thing

1 IX. Pressed by the enemy] Pulsi. In the words pulsi loco cedere ausi erant, loco is to be joined, as Dietsch observes, with cedere, not, as Kritzius puts it, with pulsi. "To retreat," adds Dietsch, "is disgraceful only to those qui ab hostibus se pelli patiantur, who suffer themselves to be repulsed by the enemy."

2 X. When mighty princes had been vanquished in war] Perses, Antiochus Mithridates, Tigranes, and others.