from your majesty's service, I cannot, in honour, remain any longer at court." She then expatiated, as usual, on her own services, and on the friendship which the queen had condescended to entertain for her; and as a recompence, concluded with requesting permission to resign her offices in favour of her two elder daughters, who from their rank, alliance, and character, were well calculated to merit such a favour.

After listening with seeming embarrassment to this long appeal, the queen evaded compliance, by affecting much kindness, and repeating, "You and I must never part." The duchess, however, was not diverted from her purpose, and renewed her solicitations, that if circumstances should render her retreat necessary, her majesty would comply with this request. The queen, pressed by her importunities, and intimidated by the presence of a person whom she equally feared and disliked, renewed the declaration, "that they should never part." But added, should that even be the case, she would transfer the offices to two of her daughters; and did not hesitate to bind that promise by a solemn asseveration. The duchess took her leave, kissing the queen's hand; and after the duke and Godolphin had succeeded in extorting the dismission of Harley, the queen yielded to her continued applications, by confirming in writing the promise which had been verbally given. Still, however, the duchess had reason to feel that her attendance was unwelcome; and on the departure of her husband to the Continent, she wrote a letter, expressing her resolution not to incommode the queen by her presence, but artfully recalled to recollection the promise which she had before extorted.*

--

"March 31. Madam; upon Lord Marlborough's going into Holland, I believe your majesty will neither be surprised nor displeased, to hear I am gone into the country, since by your very hard and uncommon usage of me, you have convinced all sorts of people, as well as myself, that nothing would be so uneasy to you as my near attendance. Upon this account, I thought it might not be improper, at my going into the country, to acquaint your majesty, that even while Lord Marlborough continues in your service, as well as when he finds himself obliged to leave it, if your majesty thinks fit to dispose of my employments, according to the solemn assurances you have been pleased to give me, you shall meet with all the submission and acknowledgments imaginable." +

* From a narrative manuscript of the duchess, beginning days before my Lord Marlborough," &c. · Conduct, p. 254.

From a copy in the handwriting of the duchess.

"Some

v It is needless to expatiate on the disgust which this illtimed application and imprudent importunity produced. The queen and the duchess never met without sullen silence or bitter reproaches; and never wrote without ironical apologies or contemptuous taunts. The effects of these female jars, arising from offended dignity on one hand, and disappointed ambition on the other, may be traced throughout the series of correspondence, and produced the most sinister effects on the administration of public affairs, by the perplexities into which they perpetually threw both the treasurer and general.

CHAP. LXVI.-PLAN OF THE CAMPAIGN.

1708.

HOWEVER anxious to mature the preparations for the ensuing campaign, and to join Eugene, who was impatiently expecting him at the Hague, Marlborough could not quit England, until the danger of invasion had ceased. He, therefore, took his departure on the 29th of March, O.S., before the close of the session, and after a speedy passage, reached the coast of Holland. He proceeded without delay, in an open boat, to the Brill, and on the morning of the second of April, appeared at the Hague, whence he wrote Secretary Boyle.

To Secretary Boyle.

"You will have heard by last post how well I was in making my passage hither, the next night after I left London. Since my arrival, my time has been wholly taken up in concerting with the prince of Savoy, and the generals and ministers. Yesterday we had a conference with the States-general, when the prince communicated to us two projects, for the operations on the Rhine, and Moselle. The latter seems to be most relished; but to put it in execution, the prince requires 80,000 men for the army in the Low Countries, which you may believe the states are not inclined to give. I must own, that according to the present juncture, we should be in a situation to act offensively on this side, that we may have an eye at the same time to our affairs in England, to deter the enemy from the thoughts of another invasion, which they might be inclined to, if we should weaken ourselves too much in Flanders. But the states are of opinion that the best way of hindering it, would be to keep a good squadron constantly before Dunkirk. The prince has insinuated to me, that he should be glad if I could accompany him to

Hanover, to concert with the elector; but I shall excuse myself, that I may get five or six days to come over, and inform the queen fully of the measures that shall have been taken, to which end I keep the yacht and convoy on this side."

With Eugene, Marlborough entered into a confidential communication on the state of foreign affairs, and the views. of his sovereign. In these preliminary discussions, two points, in particular, occupied his attention, namely, the demands of the emperor, for the levy-money of the troops whom he had engaged to furnish; and the claims of the duke of Savoy on the Austrian court.

On the first head, Marlborough referred the discussion to the treasurer and the British cabinet, from a reluctance to acquiesce in demands which he deemed exorbitant, and an unwillingness to offend the emperor by a direct refusal.

The adjustment of the second point was still more delicate; for the duke of Savoy, on the one hand, demanded the immediate fulfilment of the treaty concluded in 1703, by which he was to receive part of the Montferrat, forfeited by the duke of Mantua, while the emperor delayed the investiture, under the pretence that the cession of the said territory would infringe the rights of the house of Loraine. Marlborough was particularly anxious to effect an accommodation, because the success of the campaign in Italy depended on the union of the two courts; and because his friends in England, especially the treasurer, made the conduct of the emperor the theme of perpetual invective, and censured him for continuing to rely on a prince, whose engagements had been so seldom fulfilled. With this view, Marlborough despatched General Palmes to Vienna and Turin; but his principal hopes of success rested on the mediation and influence of Eugene.

The result of their amicable negotiation was highly satisfactory. From Eugene he received assurances, that the emperor was gratified by the resolution of parliament to continue the war till the whole monarchy of Spain was restored to the house of Austria, and would faithfully redeem the pledges he had repeatedly given, in exerting his whole strength to promote the objects of the Grand Alliance. That the army on the Rhine should be increased to the amount of 20,000 men, with every requisite for action, by the

middle of May; and that a succour of 12,000 men should be furnished for the service of Italy, to be placed under the sole direction of the duke of Savoy. That although he could not comply with the desires of the queen and parliament, by sending Eugene into Spain, he would despatch a considerable body of his troops to Catalonia, and consign the command to Count Staremberg, one of his most able generals. Finally that he would assist in the formation of an army on the Moselle, which, under the direction of Eugene, should act in any quarter, where it could be employed with the best effect. The prince also pledged himself for the compliance of his imperial master with the demands of the duke of Savoy.

After accomplishing these arrangements, Marlborough and Eugene proceeded to mature the plan for the campaign, of which they had previously concerted the outlines, as appears from a letter of Eugene to the duke, dated St. Laurent, August 31. 1707.

"I have received your highness's letter of July 30th, by Brigadier Palmes. He departs informed of the state of affairs here, and of my opinion respecting the war in this country, and in other parts. But should it be resolved to remain here on the defensive, we ought to have a body, which may be withdrawn to form a second army on the Moselle, with some detachments from our other armies, and to act in Germany or Flanders, according as circumstances require. Above all things, maga. zines and artillery must be provided, without which the troops will be useless. In this case, the army in Spain must be put in a condition to want no succours, and to support itself. I entreat you to take care that none may discover these designs. In the project for this country, I only speak of the valleys of Barcelonetta and Aosta; but if we could take Susa before winter, an army might act by Mont Cenis, or perhaps by Mont Genevre, which is the only passage practicable for artillery.

"This project appears vast; but if two armies were ready in May, it would not be impossible, particularly if those who were charged with the execution were not obliged to govern themselves according to the ridiculous judgments of the ignorant, as in such enterprises we attempt all that is possible; and yet the success is always uncertain. Those who have commanded armies know this by fatal experience.

"I end with the affairs of Spain. The king presses me continually for succours from Vienna, of which he is in want. I am overwhelmed with projects, which are referred to Holland and England, and of which General Palmes has no knowledge. It is now September. Neither fleet nor troops have any orders; for what Lescheraine has communicated amounts to nothing. I wish, therefore, to know what is intended, that I

may apprise the king; and what measures are to be taken, for on those depend also the dispositions for the ensuing campaign."*

In arranging this extensive design, the two generals admitted to their deliberations Pensionary Heinsius, of whose secrecy and zeal they were well assured. With him they settled two projects; one real, the other ostensible. The purport of the ostensible project was, to form two armies, one in the Netherlands, under Marlborough, the other on the Moselle, under Eugene, as if they intended to resume the design of penetrating through Loraine, which had been baffled in 1705. The real project was, to unite these two armies by a rapid march, and give battle to the French in the Netherlands, before they could be joined by reinforcements drawn from distant quarters. The army on the Moselle was to be principally formed of imperialists, palatines, Saxons, and Hessians, who had before served on the Upper Rhine; and, consequently, the German army, which had hitherto acted with little effect, was to be reduced to the defensive.

The ostensible project was communicated to the deputies of the states on the 12th of April, and the two generals earnestly recommended the preparatory measures, requisite for the execution of their secret plan. Several other conferences were successively held, to mature their arrangements, and the acquiescence of the Dutch government was at length obtained.

This disposition of force was more necessary, in consequence of the intentions manifested by the French to recover their losses in the Netherlands. For this purpose they had drawn troops from the most distant parts, even from Spain and Italy; and the choice of the generals indicated the quarter which was to be the prominent theatre of action. For the command in Dauphiné was given to Marshal Villars; that on the Upper Rhine to the elector of Bavaria and Marshal Berwick; and the direction of the war in the Netherlands was intrusted to the duke of Burgundy, who was expected to reap the laurels of victory under the skilful guidance of Vendome.

While Marlborough was employed in arranging military operations, the increasing feuds in the British court called * Translation from the original French.