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in Torkington or in the author of Guylford's pilgrimage. Sir Richard Guylford's chaplain not improbably had some English predecessor whom we have still to discover; and whose account of Venice was copied less freely by him than it was afterwards by Torkington. And yet, as we have already remarked, Torkington follows Guylford even in his personal adventure, unless both writers adopted this unrivalled plan of facile composition.

The accounts of most other places, as well in Europe as in the Holy Land, correspond in both pilgrimages. At Pavia each writer has, word for word, this statement regarding the house of Saint Austin, in that city,

"In the same church lyeth Lyonell the secund sonne of kyng Edward the iijde honorablie, upon whose tumbe ys wretyn Sanguine insignis fuerat vel floribus armis, Ossa Leoneti continet iste lapis."

The first line of this epitaph of Lionel Duke of Clarence is evidently incorrect. Does any other copy of it exist? A more modern inscription to the Duke's memory placed in the same church by Charles Parker, titular bishop of Man, in the year 1590, will be found in Breval's Travels in Italy, i. 268, and Gough's Sepulchral Monu

ments, i. 216.

The author of Guylford's pilgrimage mentions another member of the royal house of England, at

"Lasheles, where lyethe quene Elyanour of Englonde, and in an abbey of her awne foundacyon."

The place here mentioned is Les Echelles, near the Grande Chartreuse, in Dauphiné; but what foundation there could have been for connecting its history with the name of any English queen we have not been able to ascertain.

Sir Richard Torkington, the parson of Mulberton in Norfolk, commenced his pilgrimage from the harbour of Rye, in Sussex, on the 17th of March, 1517. He travelled alone until he arrived at Venice on the 29th of April; having seen no Englishman on his way after leaving Paris. He sailed from

Venice, with a company comprising several Englishmen, on the 14th of June; and arrived at Jaffa on the 12th of July, but was not allowed to land until the 15th. Having completed the pilgrimages about Jerusalem and Bethlehem, the party had returned to Jaffa by the 29th of the same month, and then, after having been "right evil. intreated by the Turks and Saracens many ways, and in great fear," they were with "great difficulty and much patience"--the very words before used in Guylforde's pilgrimage,-delivered aboard their galley. Torkington's voyage home was attended with considerable peril. He says, "We were sailing in the sea betwixt Rhodes and Sicily eighteen weeks, and it is but a thousand miles." He did not again land in England until the 17th April, 1518; so that he was absent on his pilgrimage "the space of a whole year, five weeks, and three days," although the period of his stay in the Holy Land had been only fifteen days.

The substance of his journal has now been made public. So far as the Holy Land is concerned it is identical with the pilgrimage of Sir Richard Guylforde; and the most interesting portions of his voyage to and fro have been extracted either in the Gentle

man's Magazine for 1812, to which we have already referred, or in the early part of the present article.

The manuscript is a small pocket volume. The pages are written with wide margins, and only contain from eighty to ninety words each. The whole amounts to 207 pages.

The pilgrimage of William Wey, contained in a manuscript at the Bodleian Library, is of an earlier date than either Guylforde's or Torkington's, and is written in Latin. We have not had the opportunity of comparing its narrative with those of the other English pilgrims; but a cursory examination of the book made by a friend has supplied the following particulars of its general contents, which may be interesting to our readers, after what has gone before, and in anticipation of its proposed publication.*

* Wey's Pilgrimage is upon the list of the projected publications of the Camden Society; and it is to be edited by the Rev. George Williams, author of that excellent book "The Holy City; or Historical and Topographical Notices of Jerusalem." We hope it will soon be published, for it is unquestionably the most curious of these narratives yet remaining in MS. in England.

The volume is numbered 565 of the Bodley MSS. Its contents are miscellaneous, partly in English and partly in Latin. It commences with "Chaunges of money from England to Rome and Venyse;" and "A provysyon." The latter is the same formula of instructions for the pilgrim's outfit at Venice, from which we derived the particulars detailed in our magazine for September, p. 280. It was extracted from the Wey MS. by the Rev. John Webb, in the 21st volume of Archæologia, and from that volume in the Gentleman's Magazine for June 1827, p. 535. It will also be found in the tract entitled "Information for Travellers in the Holy Land," which was printed by Wynkyn de Worde in 1515 and reprinted for the Roxburghe Club in 1824. Mr. Webb (Archæol. xxi. 411, note,) mentions a Latin version. The "chaunges of money" are also contained in Wynkyn de Worde's book. Next in the Wey MS. succeeds a poem in English rhyme, entitled "The way to Jerusalem and the holy placys in that same contre." It occupies eighteen pages. The following is a specimen:

Holy Places in the Mownte of Syon.
Ther ys a chyrch also fast bye

Callyd the howse of cursed cunsel sekyrly
The furste plase wher Jues wold haue brennyd
Oure lady' body when hyt scholde be buryd
The seconde wher Seynt Peter wepte
When Cryst in hys passyon was kepte
The therde where Cryste was browhte
To fore Anne and set by nawte, &c.

Then follow five pages of a list of places in Latin; and then "Materie moventes transire ad terram sanctam."

Wey's proper portion of the book seems to begin at p. 35. He was a Fellow of Eton: "Willms. Wey, S. T. B. coll. reg. B. M. Etone juxta Wyndesoram soc. perpet." His first pilgrimage was to St. James of Compostella in 1456; his second to the Holy Land in 1458; and his third, again to the Holy Land in 1462. In going and returning from Eton on his second pilgrimage he spent thirty-nine weeks, and in relating his third pilgrimage he mentions that he was then in the 55th year of his age.

His itineraries are followed by a vocabulary of Greek words, and by a table of "Indulgencie in curia Ro

mana.

99

We must now bring to a close these desultory notes on pilgrims and pilgrimages. The subject is one of wider compass than can be adequately developed in limits such as ours. Like monachism, the ramifications of its history, and its incidental anecdotes, would occupy volumes. We have, however, exhibited some of its more remarkable features, and traced some of the curiosities of its early literature, which may hereafter be pursued with greater advantage now that we have directed attention to the peculiarities which appear to characterise their usual style and composition.

CORRESPONDENCE OF SYLVANUS URBAN.

The Early Life of Marat in England-The Apprehension and Detention of James II. in 1688-Bastards distinguished in English History-The Skeletons lately found at Little Wilbraham-On Roman Inscriptions in Britain, and the Station of Cambodunum near Halifax-The Order of the Garter worn by Ladies.

THE EARLY LIFE OF MARAT IN ENGLAND.
Whitehall, Dec. 6.

MR. URBAN,-I do not know whether any of your readers feel sufficient interest in the gloomy histories of the revolutionary heroes of 1793 to wish for an elucidation of an obscure portion of the early life of J. P. Marat; but, if it were possible, I should be glad of a place in your pages, because the little I have to say on the subject might encourage others with more leisure to pursue it further.

After the 10th of August, 1792, Marat seized, as his share of the spoils of the

day, four of the royal printing presses-a kind of retribution for the many occasions on which his own had been carried off by the police. He also asked the minister Roland for 15,000 francs to enable him to print some manuscripts. On Roland's requiring to see them, he sent, says Madame Roland, 66 un fatras de manuscrits dont la seule vue faisait peur ; il y avait un traité des Chaines de l'Esclavage ;' je ne sais quoi encore, marqué à son coin; c'est suffisant pour l'apprécier."

Whether the 15,000 francs were forth

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coming or not does not distinctly appear; but the "Chaines de l'Esclavage came out as an octavo of 350 pages, dated "Paris, de l'imprimerie de Marat." This book has been strangely misdescribed by such biographers of Marat as I have consulted-probably few have taken the trouble to look at it; and it has more interest, singularly enough, for Englishmen than for Frenchmen, unless the latter belong to that declining school of heroworshippers who have set up the men of terror as the objects of their idolatry.

"The Chains of Slavery," says Marat, in his preface, was first printed in English in 1774, "à l'occasion de la nouvelle élection du Parlement d'Angleterre ;" and he proceeds to give a strange and insane account of the way in which his mind was affected by the labour of writing it, insomuch that when it was committed to the press he passed thirteen days in a state of stupor, "dont je ne sortis que par le secours de la musique et du repos:" how Woodfall, Becket, "libraire du Prince de Galles," and other publishers, in turn, refused to bring it out: how his printer, a Scotchman, used to pass every sheet privately to Lord North: and how he, Marat, ultimately renounced the idea of publication, and disposed of the whole edition in presents to "patriotic societies." Surrounded by ministerial spies, and his letters intercepted, he found it necessary at last, he says, to pass over to Holland, and return to London by way of Berwick, Carlisle, and Newcastle, visiting the patriotic societies by the way.

The book itself is a worthless rhapsody enough, and only noticeable inasmuch as the examples, as Marat himself remarks, are almost wholly drawn from English history and usages, and evince a knowledge of them, not, indeed, of any profound kind, but far beyond what French writers are in the habit of attaining, and quite equal to that of ordinary English political scribes of the day. The "Address to the Electors of Great Britain," which is printed by way of introduction to it, is nothing but an ordinary piece of Wilkite declamation.

Much more remarkable is the appendix to the volume, entitled "Tableau des Vices de la Constitution Angloise." This is preceded by a "Letter to the President of the States General," professing to have been addressed to that functionary in 1789. Marat here states that he lived ten years in England; that his political convictions were formed during the Wilkite controversies, and the discussions on general warrants; that the "Chains of Slavery" produced a grand sensation in the country on the eve of the general election of 1774; and that he then proposed four

great political measures, namely, the disfranchisement of small boroughs, and merging their constituencies in those of the counties; placing the creation of new peerages in the hands of Parliament; excluding placemen from Parliament; and for the public auditing of Treasury accounts. "Some time afterwards," he modestly adds, "the third of these bills passed, to the full extent."

Then follows the "Tableau" itself, headed" Discours adressé aux Anglois en 1774," in which the "four bills in question are proposed, though not in the order or to the exact effect stated in the Letter; probably because in the bloody autumn of 1792 Marat was too busy to read over his own old compositions with accuracy.

In these fragments of Marat's autobiography, part is probably mere gasconade, part the illusions of a distempered brain. But some truth there undoubtedly must be, and, if any one thinks it worth while to follow up the subject, a few hints may be of use to him.

No account of Marat's life, that I have seen, gives any details of his obscure existence in England, except that it is said in the Biographie Universelle, that the "Chains of Slavery" was published while he was "giving lessons in English at Edinburgh."

A new edition of it was published in 1833, by one "Havard;" but the editor was a mere Montagnard, who brought it out as a political speculation, and adds nothing to our knowledge of its bibliography.

In the Gentleman's Magazine, May, 1774, is announced "The Chains of Slavery. A work wherein the clandestine and villainous attempts of princes to ruin liberty are pointed out, and the dreadful scenes of despotism disclosed. To which is prefixed, An Address to the Electors of Great Britain. Royal quarto. 12s. sewed. Becket." (An extraordinary price for a political pamphlet of two or three hundred pages.)

In the Scots Magazine for May, 1774, the "Chains of Slavery" is also announced, and stated to be "executed in a manner that will reflect credit on the author's abilities;" from which brief notice it would seem as if the author was personally known to the Edinburgh critic.

Notwithstanding these notices, I have never been able to meet with the book itself in English, or any account of it later than the time of its announcement as a new work.

Does it not seem probable from these facts that Marat's statement has some foundation-that the book was in reality

either suppressed by the exertions of Government, or withdrawn from publication after printing from motives of prudence? And is it not, further, possible that an essay so much more English than French in its tone is not Marat's at all, but was

translated by him from a manuscript in his possession, and the authorship claimed in pursuance of some of those schemes of unmeaning imposture to which partially diseased intellects are prone?

Yours, &c. AN INQUIRER.

THE APPREHENSION AND DETENTION OF JAMES II. IN 1688. Street End House, near Canterbury. MR. URBAN,-For the inspection of the MS. of Sir John Knatchbull, of which I lately sent you an extract, I am indebted to the kindness of the present representative of the baronetcy, who, with the same generous spirit which has prompted so many other members of ancient houses, has laid open to my use such valuable family memorials as would add authenticity and interest to the pages of "The Judges of England."

In that MS. there is an account of the seizure of King James II. on his attempt to escape in December 1688, which, as the relation of a contemporary, and indeed of an actor in the events detailed, is well worthy of preservation. With the consent, therefore, of the honourable possessor of the MS. I send it to you for publication, convinced that it could not be deposited in a more fitting receptacle than the time-honoured columns of the Gentleman's Magazine.

Yours, &c. EDWARD Foss.

Extract from the Diary kept by Sir John Knatchbull, Baronet, in 1688. "Dec. 11. . . . . Before I went to bed I went to my Ld Winchelsea's lodgings and acquainted him with whatt we had done, [the country gentlemen assembled at Canterbury had just declared for the Prince of Orange,] who looked as if he did not know what to think on't. Whether he disliked the thing, or the doing of itt without his authority, I did not know or care, but I quickly got his consent and went to my own quarters, where before I was asleep I had newes brought me that St Edward Hales was taken att Shelnesse in his own island of Emley, but not brought up to Feversham for want of the tide. The manner of itt, as I had itt from Mr. Edwards of Feversham, was thus. Mr. Edwards coming out of Feversham with others to look after some coaches upon the road, that were turned back towards Sittinborne (for fear of some of the black guard of Canterbury that had horsed themselves and had been padding on the road ever since Sunday), meets a man with two led horses comming out of a narrow lane from the river side; he asked him who they belonged to; he said they did belong to Squire Jenkins, and GENT. MAG. VOL. XXXVII.

said he was going to Lord Tenham's with them. Mr. Edwards, knowing there was no such gentleman in those parts of the country, and the fellow not readily answering some other questions, he stopt him and carries him to Sittinbourne, where after they had seized the coaches, and coming back he meets somebody that tells him S Edward Hales that day was riding towards the river that is towards the Isle of Emley, wch he told his neighbours when he came back to Feversham. There was one Amis a seaman that had observed a Custom-house boat by her jack or pendant, and said he could not but thinke she lay there for some extraordinary purpose, in regard itt was unusuall for such boats to be taking of ballast att that plase, or indeed to be thereabout, but in time of pressing of men or carrying provision to a fleet, and that his fingers itched at her ever since he saw her; but when he heard the report of Sr Edward Hales being on the road he swore he would have him, and immediately got a crew of 40 men or more, and came in the evening so suddenly that most part of his men were upon deck, but the master could give notice to his passengers. They asked the master what he had on board, who answered, Nothing but 2 or 3 passengers; they immediately went to the cabin, and Amis seeing St Edward Hales start up with a pistoll in each hand, told him if he fired they were all dead men; they immediately fell to rifling of them all, and, as Edwards told me, the King (who was there) put 50 guineas into Amis's hands, saying that would doe him more good than to stop their passage, wch he took and all the money they had besides, taking no notice who they were. They turned the King's pocketts out, and searched very narrowly, one of them unbuttoning his breeches, and when they had done they turned the boat up the river towards Feversham, setting themselves downe betweene the prisoners, whilst the rest sate on the deck making a fire, the smoak of wch gave great offence to the King, whereupon St Edward Hales telling them the smoake was very troublesome, they brutishly answered, Damn you, if you cannot endure smoake, how will you endure hell fire? It was much desired by St Edward Hales that they might be carH

ried up into the town in the boat, but they had sent for Baron Genner's coach to come as neare the shore as they could gett, and made them land a little distance from the towne, where Sr Edward was carried out first, being in shoes, and lame of a hurt in his thigh. Mr. Sheldon was likewise carried through the dirt, but the King being in boots walked up to the coach, and went into it next after S Edward Hales. Amongst other rude speeches that passed in this walk, one asking who that was in the black perriwig, answer was made, it must be some old

Jesuitt rogue. They brought them to

the Queen's Armes, where S Edward Hales standing forward to the rabble, and the King being at the window, Mr. Napleton came in, and, knowing the King, offered to goe forward; St Edward putting his arms before to stop him, he turned them aside and went up to him and fell downe on his knees; his Majesty asking what he meant, he told him he knew him," &c.

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Then follows a detail of the consultations held at Canterbury by the leading gentlemen of the county as to their proceeding to Feversham to extricate the King out of the hands of the seamen. "Most of the gentlemen were disposed to lett the King goe if he desired, and, indeed," adds Sir John, soe was I, for I knew itt was the Prince's desire." Mr. Napleton is made to say that "his Majesty might have gone immediately after his discovery," but that he refused to do so unless Sir Edward Hales and his company were allowed to go with him, but the people would not part with them.

The result was, that (among others) Sir John Knatchbull went to Feversham, and heard that there was a strong party of horse under Lord Feversham, Sir John Fenwick, and Sir John Talbot upon the road, and that the Kentish gentlemen feared that these troops would take the King away in order to escape. Sir John then proceeds thus :

"Dec. 14. . . . These gentlemen haveing sent an expresse to the Prince, whereby they became in a great measure accountable to him for the King, though they had not possession of him, were so scrupulous upon the news of these troops (wch were now found to be but 150, a good argument that they came with noe intention of force), were very earnest with the King to give them an order under his hand to stop my Ld Feversham's troops advancing to Feversham till they produced their passes and orders from the councill;

and Sr Bazill Dixwell was nominated for this imployment, who was treating with the King about this matter, but returned back to the Queen's Arms from the King's lodging a quarter of an hour after I came in, when we immediately flocked about him to heare the success, who, after haveing told us that his Majesty made great difficulty of granting itt, he said Mr. Culpepper of Hollenborne came to him from the gentlemen, and told him they would not have him proceed further with the King in that matter. The gentlemen wondered much att itt, and asked Mr. Culpeper who gave him such orders; he said he thought my L [Winchelsea] and all had been of that oppinion, and so itt seems slipt away from amongst us officiously, and fetched Sr Bazill back; but now upon this mistake of Mr. Culpeper it was againe agreed S Bazill should go againe and renew their request to the King for his orders to my Ld Feversham to shew his orders from the councell before they came forward; and Mr. Culpeper was ordered to go along with Sr Bazill to acknowledge his mistake, for the better introducing him to the King a second time on this errand, wch he seemed not to like before. There was nobody with the King when we came but Mr. G- (for I tooke this opportunity to go to see his Majty, being indeed prompted to itt by most of the gentlemen, saying I had not been there yett, so that I could not well avoid itt). When we came in he turned from the window, and seeing S Bazill come towards him, I observed a smile in his face of an extraordinary size and sort, so forced, aukard, and unpleasant to look upon, that I can truly say I never saw any thing like itt: he tooke no notice of me, tho' I was just bending my knee to kiss his hand, and he immediately turned to S Bazill; but upon Mr. Grimes touching his sleeve he turned about to me, and I kissed itt. S' Bazill began where he left of, and urged him in handsome words enough, to give his orders, &c. telling him it was chiefly in regards to his own safety, &c. His Majesty withstood itt, saying itt would cause unnecessary delay, and that the people were more quiett, meaning the seamen and the like. I could not imagine the reason his Majesty had to oppose this, being confident by what I heard that my Lord Feversham had orders from the councell, wch his Majte well knew, and herefore took the liberty to tell him the gentlemen had no other consideration in this request but the safety of his Majesties person, and therefore submitted itt to

* A Baron of the Exchequer (Jenner), who had been taken by the mob the day before.

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