such as Stirbirn (Styrbjörn), Azcetel (Asketil), Ivore (Ivar), Colbrand, Tole (Tule), and Oadin (Odin?); whence we may reasonably conclude that the Norwegians in Ireland soon learned to coin, and were not, therefore, always compelled to avail themselves of foreign coiners. But most of Sigtryg's coiners were Anglo-Saxons; and not a few of his coins are, like that above delineated, even struck by coiners in England; as, for instance, in 'Efrweec,'

or

Eofer (wick)' (York), 'Veced' (Watchet, in Somersetshire), Vilt' (Wilton), Vint' (Winchester), and 'Luni' (London). This admits of two explanations; either that these coiners at Sigtryg's request minted coins for him, or that Sigtryg, who at one time was driven from his kingdom, resided in some at least of the above-named places, and caused coins to be minted there (?). The origin of several coins minted in Dublin about Sigtryg's time by the Anglo-Saxon king Ethelred the Second-as well as by the Danish-English king Canute the Great, and which for the most part are struck by the same Dublin coiner, Færemin, who minted most of Sigtryg's own coins-is involved in no less obscurity. Although history is silent, we might be almost tempted to believe that Ethelred and Canute were acknowledged by Sigtryg as his liege lords, or that possibly they ruled in Dublin for a short time; but in weighing these probabilities it must be remembered that neither Ethelred nor Canute

6

calls himself on these coins king of Dublin, but simply Rex Anglorum,' or King of the English."

In a note in the appendix, Mr. Worsaae has added the following additional illustration of this subject:

"While this work was going through the press, a silver coin, forming an entirely new and highly remarkable contribution to our knowledge of the early Norwegian coinage in the capital of Ireland, was discovered among the collection bequeathed by the late Mr. Devegge to the Royal Cabinet of Coins in Copenhagen. It is represented in the annexed woodcut.

the reverse almost seems to be Oolafn me feci(t),' or 'Olaf made me ;' in which case the coiner must have had the same Scandinavian name as the king. However this may be, it is clear enough that the coin owes its origin to a Norwegian or Scandinavian king Olaf in Dublin; and, as the stamp shows, it must have been struck in the tenth century. It thus forms a link between the runic coin of Canute in Dublin, and the somewhat later coins of Sigtryg, before described. (See p. 338, et seq.)

"A great number of coins have been mentioned as minted in Ireland by Scandinavian kings named Olaf; but that above delineated is in reality the first, and, as far as is known, the only one on which can with certainty read Olaf in Dublin.'

we

Kings of that name are mentioned in the Irish chronicles in the years 853, 934, 954, 962, &c. (See the list of Norwegian Kings in Ireland, p. 317.)"

Our extracts will show that the book we are reviewing is one of great learning, and of no small interest-one which ought to be known and read. We could certainly have wished that its author had taken the subject from a higher point of view, and that he had not introduced the sort of national feeling which led him to look at it "from the Danish side," instead of approaching it with the impartial judgment and the clear perception of a man of science, which he is so well capable of employing. It is a book, nevertheless, which we value much, and which we cannot but consider as an

important contribution to the library of the antiquary and the historian. It contains a mass of very curious local information illustrative of the history of the Danes and Norwegians in these islands, such as could only have been collected effectually by a Danish scholar; and the English antiquary cannot but rejoice at the enlightened spirit of the Danish government, which sent him hither on his honourable mission. How long will England be left to blush at seeing her own antiquities investigated at the expense of foreign courts, such as those of France, Germany, and Denmark, while they are totally neglected by her government at home?

together. Several are endorsed "contra Hengham," or with other memoranda of the proceedings; three are in Latin, four in the French of the period. They all appear to be of the same date, the 17th year of the King, and, while some commence in the form used in addressing the Parliament and are complete petitions, others appear to be memoranda of complaints made orally, and are obviously incomplete. In one is contained an account of the examination into a case before the auditors appointed by the King. The following abstract will give a fair idea of their general contents:

"1. Allegation made by William

when pleading that the said Ralph (de Hengham) had altered the writ he wished to sue out,-had not examined certain witnesses, but closed the examination in favour of the Abbot.

"2. Complaint, beginning Verité est Sire,' that Ralph de Hengham has entered a manor called Mustok pretending it to be an escheat, and it is a great marvel to the people how he has dared so to deceive you, for if you have not given it him, he has taken it; and this will be found by inquest.

"3. To the noble King of England and his council Walter de Derneford complains that having recovered 20 marks rent out of the manor of Borescumbe before the justices, the said Ralph de Hengham gave certificate thereof to Richard de Clifford instead of to him, and no judgment could the said Walter get till after two years. But Sir Ralph did not stop here; he committed the said Walter to prison, and so impoverished was he thereby and by the delay aforesaid that he was glad to make peace; to the damage of 3007. and more. And yet the said Walter gave largely to the said Ralph that he might have right, &c. but could not get it, because he was so largely rewarded by the other party. And for this grievance he prays remedy for God and pity's sake.

"4. Whereas Nicholas de Cerues complains that he was imprisoned in Newgate by the procurement of William de Brumpton, Ralph de Hengham was asked by the auditors why he was so imprisoned more than Henry de la Leygh, who was con victed with the said Nicholas. He (Hengham) said that after the said persons were adjudged to prison they were delivered to Richard de Bretteville, who kept them till the end of the term, when he brought two writs and asked the said Ralph to sign them for their committal, which was done. And Richard de Bretteville being called and sworn acknowledged that one William son of Hugh the parson of Temessford who was with William de Brump

ton, and an adversary of the said Nicholas and Henry, came and told him on behalf of the said W. de Brumpton to put the said Nicholas in irons and ill-use him. And being further asked if William de Brumpton so ordered him by word of mouth, he said on oath that he never spoke to him about it, but the said William de Temessford often came to him and told him from his master to injure the said Nicholas as much as he could."

In this case the judges appear to excuse themselves at the expense of a third person. But what an insight into the state of the judicial system is given by the evidence of their own witness on oath! Brompton was one of the disgraced judges, though the only charge hitherto known to have been brought against him was dismissed as unconfirmed.

"5. John le Chauv complains that Wymund le Chauv summoned 60 and more knights and others by means of a writ of Chancery which he had forged, and to which he attached a counterfeit of the King's seal. When the said John complained to Ralph de Hengham thereof he at once dismissed the case; and he (John) was attacked by the said Wymund in the city of Bedford and with difficulty escaped being killed."

The next complaint is printed entire. It presents some peculiar points and is complete, even to the endorsement of the judgment upon the case, as far as the King's Commissioners could decide it :

"A nostre seinour le Rey et soun counseil se pleint Nicol de Ver et Anneis sa femme de Sire Rauf de Hengham, Justice le Rey que le avaund dite Nicol et Anneis sa femme vinderent a Sire Rauf et ly prierent counseil et heaie a porchacer un maner que est apele Cokham et les apurtenances en Sutsex que Sire Roberd de Vel thint a queu maner Nichol de Ver et Anneis sa femme avaint dreit. Sire Rauf lour demaunda que fust lour volunte a doner. Et Nicol ly offrit un carue de tere, et sire Rauf repoundit que il ne irrait mie de soun hostel a Weymonster pur un carue de tere. Et le avaund dit Nicol se sendit que il ne estoit pas de poer de pleder le avaund dit sire Roberd de Vel saunz counseil et en des de Justices. Et graunta a Sire Rauf la meite de quant que il poa purchacer. Et a ce fere et leument tener sire Rauf les avaund dist Nicol et Anneis jurir, sour seins devaunt ly et devaunt Sire Johan de Okecestre et Sire Willam soun chapelein. Et maintenaund de Ael fust leve sour Sire Roberd de Vel de le maner Kocham e les apurtenaunces, et apres ce Sire Rauf fist Peres de Haverhille soun clerk le atourne Nicol et Anneys sa femme pur sure le plai de

ce bref et pledames un an et plus. Et pus vint Sire Roberd de Vel et se dota de ce plai et parla issi a Sire Rauf que il ly graunta pais a sa volunte et il ly doreit cc. mars le queus Sire Rauf receut. Et pais passa taunt tost en countre Nicol et Anneis sa femme en lour absenz et saunz lour seute. Et de ce deus cent mars paia Sire Rauf et le avaunt dist Nicol 1. mars. Et ounkes de plus ne voleit soun gre fere. Et ce mette il bon en deu et en bon pais. Et sour ce prie Nicol a nostre segnour le Rey et a soun counseil remedie. De si cum Sire Rauf pati et Justice uncore se pleint a nostre seignour le Rey et a soun counseil Nicol de Ver que la ou se mist en le counseil. . . . de Hengham de un bref de mort de auncestre leve sour Abbe de Langeleie en Nortfolke de le maner de Brom en le eir de Nortfolk vint le Abbe et ly tendi lx. mars pour soun dreit de vaunt Justices et paiis. Et Nicol demaunda un jour de repit jekes il ont parle o Sire Rauf de Hengham. Et il ala a Loundres et demaunda soun counseil, et Sire Rauf conseila que il lessat pais passer. Et Nicol retourna en Eir et graunta paiis par soun counseil et le pays passa en countre ly. Dount Nicol par soun coun.. seil perdit le Ix. mars. Et dount Nicol bon parceut que il estoit parti. Et tot outrement ly deceut. Dount Nicol prie nostre seignour le Rey et soun counseil remedie sour ce graunt damage. Et tut se mette il en deu et en bon pays."

(On the back) "Quia prima querela tangit Regem ; ideo coram Rege. Et quo ad ultimam querelam quia constat auditoribus quod dictus Nicholaus falso querebatur; ideo in misericordia, set condonatur quia pauper est.'

I think it will be admitted that this case alone is very strong against Hengham. The description of striking the bargain to which the poor suitor was bound by oath before witnesses, is as curious as the facts are disgraceful; and surely nothing could be more characteristic of the regular trader in justice than the answer that "he would

THE EARLY USE OF

MR. URBAN,-Mr. Hallam, in his Introduction to the Literature of Europe, Chap. I. § 58-65, has summed up the authorities that fix the date of the introduction of paper into Europe as a vehicle of writing-a question he very justly distinguishes apart from its invention; but he is not enabled to demonstrate much as to the use and adoption of paper in England, either for the purposes of communication by letter, preservation of accounts, matters of business, or for remembrances quasi of record; leaving it to be inferred by his readers from the paucity of the

not go out of his house at Westminster for a carucate of land."

My examination of the Close Roll also throws some light upon a doubtful point in the succession of the judges.

By a letter dated 24th Sept. (i.e. nearly three weeks before the precept to the sheriff's given above) Ralph de Sandwich was associated with John de Lovetot and the other Justices of the Common Pleas as Chief Justice, in the place of Thomas de Weyland. Of his elevation to the bench there was hitherto but very doubtful evidence, and Mr. Foss has properly hesitated in admitting him to the list at this period.

Weyland's offence is said by the Dunstable chronicler to have been the abetting of murder, and there are three entries upon the Close Roll which show that all his lands and personal property were seized by the King for some offence some time before the issue of the precept for the general inquiry.

By L. C. of 19 Sept. the lands, &c. of Thomas de Weyland in the county of Norfolk, which had been taken into the sheriff's hands, were committed to William de Berry and Robert de Stalham.

By L. C. of 13 October the King's escheator on this side Trent was directed to deliver to Margaret, the wife of Thomas de Weyland, the clothes, jewels, and other things belonging to the person of the said Margaret.

And by L. C. of 14 October 601. of land were granted to the same Margaret, out of the lands of the said Thomas which were in the King's hands, " occasione quarundam transgressionum quas dicitur perpetrasse."

It was certainly not till some time after this latter date that any of the other judges were disgraced; and the first suspicions of their misconduct may have arisen in the course of an inquiry into the crime alleged against Weyland.

Yours, &c. J. B.

PAPER IN ENGLAND. instances he cites that paper was by no means in general use in England till near the end of the reign of Edward the Third.

The following extract from a contemporaneous Year Book, containing a Report of Pleadings before the Justices in Eyre at the Tower of London in the 14th year of King Edward the Second, will (in my opinion) tend more towards fixing the date of the general use of paper in England than any other yet cited. I will give you the extract entire, as it sets forth why the mayoralty of the city of London was seized into the king's hand in consequence of

verdict of an Inquest it was found, that, whereas the freemen of the city of London had such a franchise that if any of them were indicted of felony they should be delivered on mainprise until the coming of the justices in Eyre, and in the meanwhile they ought not to answer to any indictment or appeal,-So it was, that one Henry of Brandon, who was not free of the city of London, was indicted of manslaughter, &c. the sixth year of the reign of the king that now is; and John of Gisors then mayor of London caused his name to be put in paper [en paperanother copy of this MS. reads en lo papier'] among the names of those who were freemen of the city, and received as free of the city, and caused the date of the entry &c. to be put six weeks before the felony committed, and afterwards delivered him on mainprise as free of the city &c. whereby the king's suit and the party's was delayed against common right: and because the said mayor was chosen by the commonalty of the said city, and his act must turn to the prejudice of the commonalty, and he misused this franchise to the disinherison of the king and the dishonour of the crown, it was awarded

that this franchise was lost for evermore ; and consequently, because he had wrongfully used this franchise as mayor and by colour of his mayoralty, the mayoralty was taken into the king's hand at his grace; and Sir Ralph de Berners was assigned warden on the king's behalf; and it was commanded all the sheriffs and other ministers of the city, and others, that they should be obedient to him; and the said John is in ward, and at the king's grace. And afterwards in the place of Sir Ralph was Sir Robert of Kendall § assigned warden of London on the king's behalf by commission, and he brought the king's commission that commanded this into Eyre," &c.

In addition to the instances of cotton paper now in existence and referred to by Mr. Hallam, may be noticed an ancient manuscript book, now in the pos session of the Dean and Chapter of Lichfield, and which Mr. Gresley of that city, solicitor, their registrar, obligingly exhibited to me. This cotton paper presents the appearance of a smooth pressed surface rendered apt to receive the exaration of the pen by size or some similar preparation, and now rendering the surface of a brown colour; the edges of the leaves, from which the sizing preparation has been worn or rubbed off, disclose the white cotton much the same as it appears in its raw state: in fact the makers of this paper seem to have followed the course of the manufacturers of the ancient papyrus.

Yours &c. T. E. T.

pealing to their ancestors concerning any monument of the olden time. Some of these, it is true, as mere works of art, may not be worth the preserving; but of their possible value, as aids to some future historian, none but the classical scholar can form a just estimate. We can readily applaud the motive of our Christian ancestors, who in the moment of their emancipation from Heathen darkness, were