copper-armed or Roman enemy, as the blood-feud, or love of plunder, or thirst for new settlements might dictate. It was not till the ninth, tenth, and eleventh centuries, that the ambition or statesmanship of particular clanchiefs or military adventurers succeeded in destroying or subduing or incorporating the majority of the petty septs or tribes in their several neighbourhoods, and in reducing Sweden, Norway, Denmark, and England to something like regular government under one head in each country.

Especially as regards Denmark, which most concerns us, we must remember, that at the period when searaids from its western coasts succeeded in gaining a firm occupation in England, or from the fourth century downward, the name Dane and Ďenmark was comparatively unimportant or unfixed, or only a local clanship. The whole country had no national name in common, was broken up into petty kingdoms in every district, and, in so far as it had a certain oneness, was to a great extent under a Gothic dynasty and went under the name of Gotland. This famous Gothic tribe-cluster at this period occupied the present Swedish island of Gotland, nearly the whole of the southern half of Sweden (still called Göte-land, and two of whose largest and richest provinces have still no other names than EastGotland and West-Gotland), a part of south Norway, and a large share of east and central Denmark. Its subsequent disappearance from, or rather loss of supremacy in, these districts, was principally caused by the rush of new settlers from the north-east, its repeated and bloody contests with the Swea and Norwegian races, and its immense emigrations and military inroads into the Roman provinces. The name Danish and Denmark was first predominant in the seventh and eighth

centuries.

Remembering these general facts, let us now examine the details of the occupation of England. Bede, the English Chronicle, and other authorities, assure us, that this took place in

the fourth to the seventh century, and that the armed settlers who made good their footing in Albion were principally 1. Jutes, 2. Angles or Engels, and 3. Saxons, all of them from Jutland on the west coast of the present Denmark, and from the adjoining province of Old-Saxony, now Holstein.

Of these tribes the Jutes were comparatively few; they came from NorthJutland, and occupied Kent, the Isle of Wight, and a part of Hampshire.

The Engels came from the present South-Jutland or Slesvig, which latter is a modern name mostly favoured by the Germans, and colonised

(As East-Angles) Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridge, Isle of Ely, and part of Bedfordshire;

(As Middle-Angles) Leicestershire; (As South-Mercians) Lincoln, Northampton, Rutland, Huntingdon, north of Bedfordshire and Hertfordshire, Bucks, Oxfordshire, Gloucestershire, Warwickshire, Worcestershire, Herefordshire, Staffordshire and Shropshire;

(As North-Mercians) Chester, Derby, Nottingham;

(As Northumbrians)—1. Deira. Lancaster, York, Westmerland, Cumberland, Durham.-2. Bernicia. Northumberland, and the south of Scotland between the Tweed and the Frith of Forth.

The Saxons, a Middle-Teutonic tribe much more nearly allied to the North than to the South Teutons (Germans), and who by the earliest Northern writers were reckoned as Scandinavians,* held

(As South-Saxons) Sussex; (As East-Saxons) Essex, Middlesex, south Hertfordshire;

(As West-Saxons) Surrey, Hampshire (partly), Berkshire, Wilts, Dorset, Somerset, Devon, and a part of Cornwall.

If we now take a skeleton-map of England, and colour it with light-red for the Jutes, deep-red for the Engles (with whom Bede assures many Frisian and Danish groups), and yellow for the Saxons, we shall find

us were

1. That the Saxons occupy a narrow strip or belt of South-England, with

comparatively little extent of coast, part of which was probably in the hands of Angles, for we know that these latter had pushed forward both among them and the Jutes very numerously;

2. That the Jute-land was not large, not more than about one-fifth or onesixth of the Saxon, but that it was admirably selected for maritime purposes; and

3. That the Angles occupied the bulk of the country, comprehending almost the whole range of coast, and, with their kinsmen, the Jutes, had possession of about four-fifths of the whole of England! This numerical strength will not surprise us when we remember, that nearly the whole "Engle-kin" emigrated, and that their old land was for years comparatively

a desert after them.

We thus see that nearly the whole country was "English" as to predominant race, although every little "kingdom" had its own clan-name and its own folk-right.

Un

Under these circumstances what should we suppose the language of the general people would be? doubtedly "English," with Saxon or Jute, or other peculiarities or provincialisms in particular localities. And that this was so we know. This ancient English is still best studied in the old Angle-land and in the Jutland peninsula.

But, things being thus, what would the people probably call their own speech? Again, judging from analogy, we should of course answer "English.' And what is the testimony of fact and history? That it never had any other name!

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Open any book of our old mothertongue, now extant in print or MS., and what do we find? That it is "on Englisc." When it is a translation, what does the author call it? "Dæt is on Englisc." Engelsc spræc," "Engelsc reord," "ure spræc," is what our fathers spoke from the time the first Northern keel grated on our sands to the present moment. Our old Bible-translations, our Psalm-versions, our oldest Gospel-books, are all "on

Englisc." Our Church ministered in the mother-tongue to its members, and taught them the Lord's Prayer, the Credo, &c. "on Englisc." Legends and folk-books and history swarm with the phrase, "bæt is on Englisc." Prose and verse know no other name for their own garb, from the freeman's hall or early church at Canterbury to the most northern monastery in the wilds of Northumberland. When Archbishop Elfric directs his reader to further information, he bids him look for it

on bære engliscan bec

be ic awende be þisum.
"In the tract which erewhile
I did into English."

...

in sua,

to send them to thee." In short, from the time when Bede tells us that "alii post illum (Cædmonem) in gente Anglorum religiosa poemata facere tentabant id est Anglorum, lingua," (in Alfred's translation, "monige opre æfter him in Ongel-beode ongunnon æfæste leod wyrcan . . . . in Englisc gereorde," many others after him, in the English nation, began to make pious songs

in the English tongue,) down to the times of the hard-handed Norman, of Chaucer, of Shakspere, and of Scott, it has always borne only one appellation-ENGLISH.

From the name always given by our own writers to our own language, let us now pass over to our laws. In so doing we shall be as concise as possible, and shall of course only refer to those which mention for whom they were intended.

1. The first are those of Hlodhære and Eadric, "Cantwara cyningas,' kings of the Kent-men, about 680. Shall we therefore call our mothertongue Kentish?

p. 26.

2. The dooms of Ine, "Wes-seaxena kyning," ,"a king of the West-Saxons, about 688. Shall we therefore call our language West-Saxon? This WestSaxon king himself knows his people by no other name than Englishmen !

3. The dooms of Wihtræd, "Cantwara cyning," king of the Kent-men, about 690.

4. The dooms of Alfred, "Westseaxna cyning," king of the WestSaxons, about 871. Yet he calls all the settled colonists in England "Angelcyn,' ,"e the English race!

5. Alfred and Guthrum's Peace, about 878, agreed upon by the WestSaxon king for his people-of course the Saxons!-no, but for "ealles Angel-cynnes witan," for the witan of all the English nation. Guthrum agrees for "seo beod be on East-Englum beod," the people that are among the East-Angles or in East-Anglia; and their several subjects are called "Engliscne and Deniscne," English and Danes.

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6. Edward's ordinances, about 905, as agreed on with Guthrum II. "ba ba Engle and Dene to fride and to freondscipe fullice fengon," when the English and Danes fully took to peace and friendship. All the enactments are "mid Englum" and "mid Denum," among the English and the Danes.

7. Of oaths, probably from the ninth century. Chapter 12 tells us that these are the enactments "on Engla lage," in English law.

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8. "Nord-leoda laga," the Northpeople's law. Of this there are two texts; the "North-people"1 of the one being used as quite synonymous with the "English" of the other; while the "Danish" of the one answers to the "Mercian" of the other. This traditional use of the word North-people

for the original English tribes proves how entirely they themselves were aware of their descent from the great Northern races, though their strength now lay in the South-west of England.

9. Of ranks. Begins, "Hit was hwilum on Engla lagum,”" it was aforetime in the laws of the English.

10. Ethelstan's dooms. The only ruled class spoken of is "Engliscmon," Englishman. The dooms shall be held "ofer eall Engle-land," over all England.

11. Eadgar's dooms, about 960. They point out two folk-rights, the one "Mid Denum," for the Danes, and the other "Mid Anglum," for the English, and divide the whole population into "Anglum ge Denum ge Brýttum," English,Danes, and Britons. 12. Ethelred's dooms, about 980, drawn up 66 on Myrcena lande æfter Engla lage," in the land of the Mercians according to the law of the English, for "English" and "Danes" in

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England." The ordinance is that of "be Engla cyng," the king of the English, "on Engla lage," by English law. One or two points are modified by local folk-right, namely, "on Cantwara lage," by the law of the Kentish men, on Sud-Engla lage," by the law of the South-English, and “be Nord-Engla lage," by the law of the North-English.

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king of the Danes and king of Norway. Shall we therefore call our language Anglo-Duno-Norwegian? These laws are to hold good "ofer eall Englaland," over all England, but several local folk-rights and provincial customs are mentioned as still in force, especially the Danish and Mercian.

15. Canuti constitutiones. He is king" Angliæ," and all the folk-words introduced are as " Angli nuncupant," “Angli dicunt,” “Angli appellant," &c.

The subsequent Latin and AngloNorman laws we need not speak of. They are all given by kings of England, for the English, although certain provincial folk-rights are here and there incidentally mentioned, especially the law-customs of the Danes in certain counties.

Now in all the above the only folkgroup spoken of is ENGLAND, the only folk-name of their law and language is ENGLISH.

Let us now turn to the old English charters, and see what is their testimony. Here we shall surely meet the imaginary Saxon kings, the fabulous Anglo-Saxon tongue, the vaunted Anglo-Saxon people.

The first in order of time is one of Aethilberht, king of the Jute-land, Kent, and dated 605. He calls himself"Ego Aethilberhtus, rex Canciae." Shall we then call our language Kentish? Yet in the very next document be denotes himself "Ego Aethilberhtus, Dei gratia rex Anglorum," a title usual among the chiefs of this states at first, though afterwards the "Canciae" or "Canciorum" "rex" predominated. In 681 and frequently we have the new folk-name “rex Merciorum;” in 685 and frequently the great folk-chief rex Northumhymbrorum;" in 688 appears the famous "rex Westsaxonum;" in 692 the well-known "rex Eastsaxonum," for which is often used the wider phrase "rex Merciorum ;"m

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in 699 we have a king of Wessex signing himself "rex Saxonum," a contraction which occurs again, but very sparingly; in 714 we meet the folk-clan of the "Hwiccas," which appears but seldom, while whenever the whole land is mentioned it is called England or Britain; in 790 we have the king of Mercia_calling himself "rex Anglorum." ."P In short, for we shall weary both our readers and ourselves, from Wulfhere, "rex Merciorum et Mediterraneorum Anglorum, australium quoque regnorum," in 664; to Eadweard, "king_ofer Engledeode," in 844; from Edelstan, " AngulSaxonum necnon et totius Brittaniae rex," in 934, a phrase still more scarce than the similar contraction "Saxonum" above; to Eadgar, in 958, &c. "rex et primicerius Merciorum," "Anglorum basileus," "Brittaniae monarchus," "rex Anglorum," "Anglicae regionis basileus," "rex tocius Brittaniae," "totius Albionis insulae archons," &c.; to Edelred, in 1013, &c. "rex Anglo-Saxoniae atque Nordhymbrensis gubernator monarchiae, paganorumque propugnator, ac Bretonum caeterarumque prouinciarum imperator," "gubernator sceptri huius insulae," "industrius Anglorum basileos," &c.; to Cnut, in 1036, &c. "rex Anglorum, totius Britanniæ monarcus," 99 66 kining of Engle-lande," &c.; and to Eadweard in 1042, "rex Britanniae totius Anglorum monarchus,"―the testimony is the same. We have a succession of the names of clans, tribes, folk-lands, state confederations, &c. and various political titles borne or usurped by the several kings; but we should as soon think of therefore calling our mother tongue "AngloSaxon," one of the scarcest of them all, as of denominating it "Saxon," or "Kentish," or Mercian," or "EastSaxon," or "West-Saxon," or "Northumbrian," or Hwiccian," or "Al

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bionic," or "British," or "Pagan." What should we say to a new name of our tongue founded upon the titles of the latest kings of England, especially when Hanover, Brunswick, &c. figured in the list? What a charming, euphonic, and true compound would it not make? Anglo- Scoto- Hiberno - Gallo - Hanovero-&c. &c. &c.-ish! What would a Swede or any other foreigner say to a new name for his speech founded upon the same argument? - Sweo-GothoVandalo-Lappo-&c. &c. &c.-ish! In a word, the thing is not worth the waste of ink. Now and then a late scribe writing in Latin, and pedantically pluming himself upon his superior wisdom, says as a gloss "Saxonice dictum" of a particular word, for "veteres Angli was too simple a phrase for him; but such learning we can sufficiently estimate. The earliest instance we have met with of the compound "Anglo-Saxon" is in a Latin work, the life of Alfred by Bishop Asser, who died in 910, and some few clerks occasionally followed his example; but English was the

term otherwise universally applied to our nation and language (when not speaking of the Saxon tribe separately) both at home and abroad, especially by those who ought to know the best, our own folk-writers and our kinsmen the Scandinavians."

Let us now examine the last possible field for this fictitious AngloSaxon, the coinage of our forefathers.

Here we need not be diffuse. Out of the many thousands of similar pieces, of various dies and towns and reigns and moneyers, preserved in British and Foreign Museums, or daily dug up in some part of Europe, the term or legend "Anglo-Saxon or "Anglo-Saxonum" or "AnglorumSaxonum" does not occur on one of them! The earliest have simply "rex," or "cyning," &c.; sometimes "totius Brittaniæ rex," &c.; but the great overwhelming mass, "the unwashed million," has the steadily occurring and prophetically proud inscription "Rex Anglorum." 'What shall we say

to testimony such as this? (To be continued.)

ON the 16th June, 1520, a bull was issued against Luther in which fortyone propositions from the Reformer's writings were condemned as false and heretical. The bull had no other effect than to rouse Luther to the whole height of his energy. In October appeared his work on the Babylonian Captivity of the Church, rejecting four of the seven sacraments. On the 10th December he burned in the marketplace of Wittemberg the bull and the decretals of the Popes. These were things to stir the blood of the refugees in Ebernberg. One heart there they could not fail potently to move, and that was the heart of Ulrich von Hutten. He first issued some pithy marginal notes on the papal bull; then a poem on the burning of Luther's

writings at Mentz; and lastly, a lamentation and exhortation against the power of the Pope. This is a long German poem, in octosyllabic rhymes, occupying about forty pages in the fifth volume of Münch's edition. Its effect was immediate and immense. None of Hutten's previous productions had been so suddenly or so extensively popular, or had gone down so deep into the soul of the people. With the melancholy beauty and sublime elevation of Jeremiah and the overwhelming bitterness of Juvenal which Münch ascribes to it, it combines Teutonic earnestness and simplicity and crushing directness of purpose. It tore away the veil from all that was foulest in popery; it cut like a dissecting knife into its most shrinking sensibilities;