thefe new fanatics of not the preaching but the fweating tub, infpired with nothing holier than the venereal pox, can draw one way under monarchy to the estabalifhing of church difcipline with thefe new difgorged atheisms: yet fhall they not have the honour to yoke with thefe, but fhall be yoked under them; thefe thall * plough on their backs. And do they among them, who are fo forward to bring in the fingle perfon, think to be by him trusted or long regarded? So trusted they shall be, and fo regarded, as by kings are wont reconciled enemies; neglected, and foon after discarded, if not profecuted for old traitors; the first inciters, beginners, and more than to the third part actors of all that followed. It will be found alfo, that there must be then as neceffarily as now (for the contrary part will be ftill feared) a ftanding army; which for certain fhall not be this, but of the fierceft cavaliers, of no lefs expenfe, and perhaps again under Rupert. But let this army be fure they fhall be foon difbanded, and likelieft without arrear or pay; and being difbanded, not be fure but they may as foon be queftioned for being in arms against their king: the fame let them fear who have contributed money; which will amount to no fmall number, that must then take their turn to be made delinquents and compounders. They who paft reafon and recovery are devoted to kingship perhaps will anfwer, that a greater part by far of the nation will have it fo, the reft therefore muft yield. Not fo much to convince thefe, which I little hope, as to confirm them who yield not, I reply; that this greatest part have both in reafon, and the trial of jus battle, loft the right of their election what the government fhall be of them who have not loft that right, whether they for kingfhip be the greater number, who can certainly determine? Suppofe they be, yet of freedom they partake all alike, one main end of government : which if the greater part value not, but will degenerately forego, is it juft or reasonable, that moft voices against the main end of government should enflave the lefs number that would be free? more juft it is, doubtless, if it come to force, that a lefs number compel a greater to retain, which can be no wrong to them, E e 4 their their liberty, than that a greater number, for the pleasure of their baseness, compel a less most injuriously to be their fellow flaves. They who feek nothing but their own juft liberty have always right to win it, and to keep it, whenever they have power, be the voices never fo numerous that oppofe it. And how much we above others are concerned to defend it from kingthip, and from them who in pursuance thereof fo perniciously would betray us and themselves to moft certain mifery and thraldom, will be needless to repeat. Having thus far fhown with what eafe we may now obtain a free commonwealth, and by it with as much ease all the freedom, peace, juftice, plenty, that we can defire; on the other fide, the difficulties, troubles, uncertainties, nay rather impoffibilities, to enjoy thefe things conftantly under a monarch: I will now proceed to fhow more particularly wherein our freedom and flourishing condition will be more ample and fecure to us under a free commonwealth, than under kingfhip. The whole freedom of man confifts either in fpiritual or civil liberty. As for fpiritual, who can be at reft, who can enjoy any thing in this world with content. ment, who hath not liberty to ferve God, and to fave his own foul, according to the beft light which God hath planted in him to that purpose, by the reading of his revealed will, and the guidance of his holy fpirit? That this is beft pleafing to God, and that the whole proteftant church allows no fupreme judge or rule in matters of religion, but the fcriptures; and these to be interpreted by the fcriptures themfelves, which neceffarily infers liberty of confcience; I have heretofore proved at large in another treatife; and might yet further, by the public declarations, confeffions, and admonitions of whole churches and states, obvious in all hiftories fince the reformation. This liberty of confcience, which above all other things ought to be to all men deareft and most precious, no government more inclinable not to favour only, but to protect, than a free commonwealth; as being moft magnanimous, moft fearlefs and confident of its own 20 fair fair proceedings. Whereas kingship, though looking. big, yet indeed moft pufillanimous, full of fears, full of jealoufies, ftartled at every umbrage, as it hath been obferved of old to have ever fufpected moft, and miftrufted them who were in moft efteem for virtue and generofity of mind, fo it is now known to have moft in doubt and fufpicion them who are moft reputed to be religious. Queen Elizabeth, though herself accounted fo good a proteftant, fo moderate, fo confident of her fubjects love, would never give way fo much as to prefbyterian reformation in this land, though once and again befought, as Camden relates, but imprisoned and perfecuted the very propofers thereof; alleging it as her mind and maxim unalterable, that fuch reformation would diminish regal authority. What liberty of conscience can we then expect of others, far worfe principled from the cradle, trained up and governed by Popish and Spanish counfels, and on fuch depending hitherto for fubfiftence? Especially what ean this laft parliament expect, who having revived lately and published the covenant, have reengaged themfelves, never to readmit epifcopacy? Which no fon of Charles returning but will moft certainly bring back with him, if he regard the laft and ftricteft charge of his father, "to perfevere in, not the doctrine only, but government of the church of England; not to neglect the speedy and effectual fuppreffing of errours and fchifms;" among which he accounted prefbytery one of the chief. Or if, notwithftanding that charge of his father, he fubmit to the covenant, how will he keep faith to us, with difobedience to him; or regard that faith given, which must be founded on the breach of that laft and folemneft paternal charge, and the reluctance, I may fay the antipathy, which is in all kings, against prefbyterian and independent difcipline? For they hear the gospel fpeaking much of liberty; a word which monarchy and her bithops both fear and hate, but a free commonwealth both favours and promotes; and not the word only, but the thing itself. But let our governors beware in time, left their hard meafure to liberty of confcience be found the rock whereon they fhipwreck themselves, as others have now done be fore fore them in the course wherein God was directing their fteerage to a free commonwealth; and the abandoning of all those whom they call fectaries, for the detected falfehood and ambition of fome, be a wilful rejection of their own chief ftrength and intereft in the freedom of all proteftant religion, under what abufive name foever calumniated. The other part of our freedom confifts in the civil rights and advancements of every perfon according to his merit the enjoyment of those never more certain, and the access to these never more open, than in a free commonwealth. Both which, in my opinion, may be best and fooneft obtained, if every country in the land were made a kind of fubordinate commonalty or commonwealth, and one chief town or more, according as the fhire is in circuit, made cities, if they be not fo called already; where the nobility and chief gentry, from a proportionable compafs of territory annexed to each city, may build houfes or palaces befitting their quality, may bear part in the government, make their own judicial laws, or use these that are, and execute them by their own elected judicatures and judges without appeal, in all things of civil government between man and man; fo they shall have juftice in their own hands, law executed fully and finally in their own counties and precincts, long wished and spoken of, but never yet obtained; they fhall have none then to blame but themselves, if it be not well administered; and fewer laws to expect or fear from the fupreme authority; or to thofe that shall be made, of any great concernment to public liberty, they may, without much trouble in these commonalties, or in more general affemblies called to their cities from the whole territory on fuch occafion, declare and publish their affent or diffent by deputies, within a time limited, fent to the grand council; yet fo as this their judgment declared thall fubmit to the greater number of other counties or commonalties, and not avail them to any exemption of themselves, or refufal of agreement with the reft, as it may in any of the United Provinces, being fovereign within itself, ofttimes to the great difadvantage of that union. In thefe employments they may, much much better than they do now, exercife and fit themfelves till their lot fall to be chofen into the grand coun cil, according as their worth and merit fhall be taken notice of by the people. As for controverfies that shall happen between men offeveral counties, they may repair, as they do now, to the captial city, or any other more. commodious, indifferent place, and equal judges. And this I find to have been practifed in the old Athenian commonwealth, reputed the firft and ancienteft place of civility in all Greece; that they had in their feveral cities a peculiar, in Athens a common government; and their right, as it befel them, to the adminiftration of both. They should have here also schools and academies at their own choice, wherein their children may be bred up in their own fight to all learning and noble education; not in grammar only, but in all liberal arts and exercifes. This would foon spread much more knowledge and civility, yea, religion, through all parts of the land, by communicating the natural heat of government and culture more diftributively to all extreme parts, which now lie numb and neglected, would foon make the whole nation more induftrious, more ingenious at home; more potent, more honourable abroad. To this a free commonwealth will eafily affent; (nay, the parliament hath had already fome fuch thing in defign) for of all governments a commonwealth aims most to make the people flourishing, virtuous, noble, and high spirited. Monarchs will never permit; whofe aim is to make the people wealthy indeed perhaps, and well fleeced, for their own fhearing, and the fupply of regal prodigality; but otherwife fofteft, bafeft, vicioufeft, fervileft, easiest to be kept under and not only in fleece, but in mind alfo fheepifheft; and will have all the benches of judicature annexed to the throne, as a gift of royal grace, that we have juftice done us: whenas nothing can be more effential to the freedom of a people, than to have the adminiftration of justice, and all public ornaments, in their own election, and within their own bounds, without long travelling or depending upon remote places to obtain their right, or any civil accomplishment; fo it be not fupreme, but fubordinate to the general power and |