during the century since the national independence first appeared inevitable. I do not mean to say this

list would be everywhere agreed to. But I do say that these great events, the establishment of our nationality; the defining of our organic law; the extension of its authority over lands not included in our original limits, and ultimately over those undiscovered in 1770, and finding their national outlet in another ocean; the defence by arms of our national authority at home; the emancipation of the African race, and finally, the physical uniting of all parts of the country, must be allowed by all to be at least the most important of the great crises in our history. Now, fellow-citizens, if I have succeeded in making my meaning clear to you, you will see in all these steps the great truths I named at the outset, and first, that they all derive their vitality from the original impulse given, the original energy breathed by the Declaration of Independence, which created the United States, endowed them with every attribute of national authority, and laid down the organic laws under which that power should be swayed, and hence the declaration is not "played out" but is as alive and real to-day as ever. I think I may safely rest this here.

But, you will remember, I asserted that these suc

cessive developments and evolutions of the principles of 1776 had not yet come to an end; that at every step something had been left undone, and that there were yet greater things for the Declaration to effect before it could have its perfect work. I have not the time to elaborate the first of these propositions at length -nor is it necessary; for it is apparent to every man that there have always been at least two causes at work from the very foundation of the government to prevent the true carrying out of our great destiny. The first is that strange love of restriction, which has constantly from time to time appeared, tending to hamper independence, to hamper the confederation, to hamper the Constitution, to hamper every session of Congress since Congress was, with a fear, that this, or that, or the other was not within the powers of whatever was then the highest authority. Occasionally, the party that holds this view has actually succeeded in making some of their restrictions authoritative; but always have they been swept away by the advancing genius of the Declaration; and, I trust, the time is not far distant, when it will be thoroughly recognized by constitutional lawyers that the very small number of restrictions placed upon the powers of the general government by the Constitution, is, in reality, to prevent

still more serious restrictions being laid on the public liberty; and that the genius of the entire instrument, in obedience to that of the Declaration, is not restrictive, but encouraging, clothing Congress with power, not stripping it, and bidding the nation go on, and do all that a nation of right may do.

The second cause why, at each stage of our progress, we have not done our entire work, is from that thought so deeply enrooted in the American heart, that we must "go ahead that if the nation makes progress, it is enough; and, in truth, if to advance were all, if to clear away the wilderness were the sum of national duty, we might well be satisfied. I have endeavored to point out the stages of progress of a century. No other nation ever went so far ahead in twice the period. But how have we done the work? Have we planted the wilderness that we have cleared? Have we always seen to it that it should not relapse into wildness? Alas, too often not! You are familiar with the heedless waste of land practised hitherto in many of our Southern States. Virgin soil has been tilled without rotation or manuring till it could be tilled no more, and then it has been abandoned for other virgin soil, and this exhaustive practice has been repeated ad infinitum. Now this is only a type of what has been

done throughout the country, and throughout the century, in almost every part of the work. An immensity has been half done, very little thoroughly done. It is time to stop this; it is time to add to our faith virtue; that is, not merely to go on, and on, and on, but to detail at least onehalf the nation's strength to perfect, while the other is advancing; to see that we are content with no make-shifts, no temporary expedients, but that all our national work is of the best. And here it is that I find a most noble and ever-extending field for the energies of our own section, and our own city. It is for New England, it is for Boston, the oldest, the best trained, the most experienced part of the country, to carry out to perfection the ideas which others initiate. It is in vain for us to attempt to keep progress with our brethren of San Francisco or Des Moines in the matter of going ahead; but we may beat them out of the field in the art of perfecting half-done work. Well and nobly did we discharge our duty as pioneers when that was our duty, and when thoroughness of detail, and stability of performance, resulting from higher education and closer competition, were to be found in Europe alone. Now that the advanced guard has moved westward, it is theirs to pioneer, ours to perfect. Nor let

either them or us despise this duty. In the great work of rearing the nation's edifice, remember that

"Tis not timber, lead, and stone

The architect requires alone

To finish a fine building;

The structure were but half complete,

If he could possibly forget

The carving and the gilding."

Now this same carving and gilding must include everything that is demanded by elegance, refinement and comfort; by all the tenderer and delicate emotions; everything which makes our life worth more. than Daniel Boone's or Red Jacket's. I need not name all the points in which Boston might aspire to control the world in this direction; but one, I will. It is the duty of Boston to see that her places of education are something besides schools; that she teaches something more than what are called, in derision I suppose, useful branches; for they are of no use except for the one lowest ambition; they may teach one how to make money, but they can teach him neither to be contented in its absence, nor happy in its use. Boston, as the head of the older states, must bring up her children to a thorough, lofty, deep and refined knowledge in every department of science, literature, history and art, without which all the power in the world makes men mere tigers, and all the wealth in the world assimilates them to swine.