manage a little war of their own and in their own way. For example, Sir Hugh Cholmeley raised a thousand men, but when ordered to march to oppose the Earl of Newcastle's entry into Yorkshire, and again afterwards when directed to join Lord Fairfax at Tadcaster, he "found impediments," and marched off to Scarborough. So Colonel Boynton at the head of 800 men, although he received" divers orders" to come to Tadcaster, preferred to take his way to Hull, without even the ceremony or the civility of assigning a reason why. Others were equally uncivil or no less contumacious. Sir John Gell, when ordered to bring his 800 men out of Derbyshire, replied that he was "not able yet to stir;" and " from Sir Anthony Irby, nor the Lincolnshire men," Lord Fairfax complains, "I hear nothing, though I have sent to them express messengers." Even greater difficulties remained behind. The army under Lord Fairfax was utterly without means of support. He describes himself as

"having not above a week's pay provided beforehand, and no visible means left to raise maintenance for them, unless I should give the soldiers free quarters upon the country-a cure in my conception as dangerous as the disease, and, peradventure, not possible to be effected if the enemy be still master of the field, and cut off our men as they go about to levy sustenance, which they may do, and yet not be able to beat up our quarters. I have hitherto supported this army by the loans and contributions for the most part of the parishes of Leeds, Halifax, and Bradford, and some other small clothing towns adjacent, being the only well-affected people of the country, who, I much fear, may now suffer by this popish army of the north, merely for their good affection to the religion and public liberty. . . My Lords, in sun, the state of the country is thus: the enemy is mighty and master of the field, plentifully supplied from his Majesty and the papists with money and all necessaries. The well-affected party, as now it is divided, not considerable; the aid from Lincolnshire, Derbyshire, and other counties very uncertain; the want of money here such as will force us to disband within ten days; and if the enemy once become absolute master of Yorkshire, they will force contributions and succours from the country, which will raise a very formidable army, and put the whole cause

in peril, if God do not miraculously defend it." (i. 28.)

We have stated these particulars in detail in order that it may be seen how poor a prospect Lord Fairfax had at first of any success in his daring enterprise. But energy and courage ultimately changed the scene. A number of successive victories and defeats on a small scale, all apparently little conducive to the ultimate result of the war, chequered the fortunes of Lord Fairfax's army for nearly a couple of years. During that time the principal successes were the work of Sir Thomas Fairfax, who soon proved himself to be a valiant, although not uniformly a discreet, commander.

About the middle of the year 1643 we first begin to find traces of a certain "Colonel Cromwell." In the May of that year he was at Nottingham with Sir John Hotham, whose professed design was to effect a junction with Lord Fairfax and the northern army, then threatened by Newcastle. Nine days afterwards we find his name appended, with that of others, to a letter informing Lord Fairfax of "certain intelligence" that Newcastle's army was Fairfax, and that therefore it was not too weak to do any harm to Lord judged necessary for Cromwell and his friends "to draw down into Yorkshire." Inspirited by this information, Lord Fairfax advanced to meet Newcastle, and was completely routed by him on Adderton Moor. The consequences were very disastrous. Yorkshire was so nearly in the power of the Royalists that the Earl of Newcastle advanced a part of his forces into Lincolnshire, Sir Thomas Fairfax following them. Cromwell instantly made ready to receive them. At p. 56 we have a previously unpublished letter, in which he thanks the " young men and maids" of Huntingdon for their zeal in opposing the invaders. They had offered to raise a company of foot. Cromwell requests that it may be "a troop of horse, which, indeed will (by God's blessing) far more_advantage the cause than two or three companies of foot, especially if your men be honest godly men, which by all means I desire." He undertakes to provide horses, if they will send men with pistols and saddles, and urges

66

again, "Pray raise honest godly men, and I will have them of my regiment." At p. 58 is another letter from him urging "the commissioners at Cambridge" to send him reinforcements and money. The Royalists were just marching into the district of Lincolnshire called Holland. He enforces the necessity for preventing them in strong terms, and is especially importunate for money. Gentlemen," he says, "make them able to live and subsist that are willing to spend their blood for you." It was at this time of trouble that he wrote to his relation Oliver St. John, to beg his aid in procuring money for the support of his troops. They "increase," he says. "I have a lovely company you would respect them did you know them are honest, sober Christians [the Huntingdon young men and maids seem to have done their work to admiration]: they expect to be used as men!" (Carlyle, i. 192.) The fight at Winceby completely stopped the advance of the King's troops in that direction. Of this engagement we have a new account at p. 62.

"Colonel Cromwell," it is said, "charged at some distance before his regiment, when his horse was killed under him. He

recovered himself however from under his horse, but afterwards was again knocked down, yet, by God's good providence, he got up again."

The loss at Winceby (1200 killed, wounded, and taken prisoners, and "as the country men report," betwixt 100 and 200 drowned in Horncastle river, i. 65) with some additional disasters arising out of a sally by Lord Fairfax out of Hull, turned the tables upon the Earl of Newcastle. It was now his turn to fly to his strongholds, and there he shut himself up for the winter. The spring of 1644 was opened favourably for the Parliament by Fairfax, in the rout of a body of Irish at Nantwich. But the daring energy of Prince Rupert defeated him soon afterwards at Newark, after which he was foolish enough to sit down before Lathom House and be repulsed, after firing 'single shots and splashes of powder at the castle of the celebrated countess for nearly two months. This trifling mode of carrying on the war was soon put an end to. Cromwell, released by

66

the check given at Winceby from all care for the eastern counties, marches northward and joins Fairfax. The same result followed which had every where signalized his presence. At Marston Moor from 15,000 to 20,000 of the King's troops

were dispersed like chaff, or cut to pieces. literally destroyed by Sir Thomas FairThe Marquess of Newcastle's foot were

fax and Cromwell at the head of their horse; and so signal was his lordship's defeat and disgrace, that, without drawing rein, he fled to the sea-shore, and taking the first vessel that offered, a poor crazy boat, set sail for Hamburgh." (i. 112.)

Marston Moor led to the appointment of Sir Thomas Fairfax as generalissimo in the place of Essex, with Cromwell as his lieutenant-general of the cavalry. Naseby followed hard upon these appointments, and was in itself too evidently a battle after Cromwell's own fashion not to be attributed Goring's defeat at Langport (of which there is an account in a letter of Fairfax's at i. 235), the suppression of the clubmen, Fairfax's campaign in the west, the taking of Bath, Sherborne, and Bristol, the proceedings in Cornwall and Devonshire

to his influence.

respecting all which there are useful notices in these volumes-brought the war to an end. During this time there are a good many letters between Sir Thomas Fairfax and his father, the old lord, who had retired from his command. There is nothing very important in them, but they help to keep up the current of the narrative, and show us the relative positions of the several members of the family. After a time, Fairfax made a kind of triumphal entry into London, and received the thanks of the Parliament for his entire destruction of the King's army.

But Fairfax was soon recalled to his command: first, to receive the King, who was surrendered to him as a prisoner at Holmby, and secondly, to take his part in the disputes between the Army and the Parliament. The letters from Fairfax and Rushworth, his secretary, to Lord Fairfax, continue during all this period, and are occasionally of interest. One from Rushworth, giving an account of the attack upon the Parliament by the mob in July, 1647, is very valuable. It reminds us

of a recent scene among our revolution-loving neighbours in France:

"The House was no sooner set that day July 26th] but up came the Common Council with a petition as aforesaid, for the malignant militia to stand; and there followed apprentices, seamen, reformadoes, malignants, and tag-rag, flocking in abundance to the Houses. The Lords first gave answer to the Common Council that they did adhere to their ordinance lately passed.... The apprentices and the rest of the rude multitude, understanding this, they broke into the House of Lords, and told them that they should either recal both the said ordinances and declaration or they should never come out. And one of the boldest, standing up at the bar, said Where is Manchester? We must call him to an account.' The House replied he was gone down; and so, with fair words, they got them to be quiet until they had passed the votes for recalling both the said ordinance and declaration. Thereupon the multitude departed, and the Lords adjourned until Friday next; and they thought themselves well that they got so away. Then down came the multitude to the Commons about two of the clock, and they having given the like answer to the Common Council which the Lords had done, the multitude told them that they must pass what the Lords had done. But the Commons were stout, and put off till 4, 5, 6, 7 of the clock. Messenger after messenger was sent to the militia, to the lord mayor, and sheriffs, to come down with the posse of the city to rescue the

House and relieve them. The militia stirred not, and the Lord Mayor would not. The Sheriffs came in person with some forty halberdiers, which was all the militia of the city that appeared for the Parliament. The guards that were there stood

still, and suffered the House to be thus abused, and let Scoutmaster General Watson be seized upon by the tumult, and afterwards carried to the prison in the city, where now he is in custody. The servants of some of the army were abused by pulling them by the ears and noses, and so leading them up and down, saying 'These are the Independents.' The Sheriffs coming and making this show to little purpose the Commons' hearts began to fail them for want of relief, and the apprentices grew more bold, and broke into the House of Commons, and told them they must pass what the Lords had passed or should not stir out of the House. Towards eight of the clock the Commons passed the votes to recal the declaration and ordinance for the late alteration of the militia. When this was done and the House adjourned,

the Speaker being out of the chair, many of the multitude went again into the House and thrust the Speaker back and the rest of the members, and told them he must to the chair again and pass another vote, or else they would not go away. Thereupon the Speaker was glad to take the chair, and the question was put that they held it fit the King should presently be brought up to London, and to which there was an answer given by some of the members, with the help of the tumult who stood by the table, till the clerk wrote down the order and gave them it under his hand. This unparalleled action is such as indeed we may dread what the event is like to be. The House of Commons adjourned, and was no less joyful of their liberty than the Lords were.' (i. 382.)

Early in 1648 Sir Thomas Fairfax succeeded to the peerage on the death of the old lord his father. His share in the suppression of the renewed attempt made this year on behalf of the King was principally confined to the military operations in Kent and Essex. Posterity has universally condemned the severities practised under his authority at Colchester, and we fear will continue to do so, in spite of the present editor's attempt at some sort of palliation. The only new letter on the subject is one written by poor Sir Charles Lucas. He had been taken at Marston Moor, but was released on payment of a large fine. When he again made his appearance in the royal army an outcry was raised against him as if he had forfeited his parole. Upon this ground Lord Fairfax refused to recognise him as having any authority, or to deal with him for an exchange of prisoners, and it was on that account that he addressed Lord Fairfax in the following letter:

"My Lord,-In your letter sent by your trumpeter to my Lord Capel, and another from your lordship to myself, you make exceptions to him concerning me, as being a prisoner still unto your lordship. Sir, I wonder that you should question me of any such engagement, since I purchased my freedom and estate at a high rate, by a great sum of money, which I paid into Goldsmiths' Hall, for which, according to the ordinances of the two Houses, I was to enjoy my freedom and

estate.

"When I conceived myself in this condition, I sent a letter to your secretary, desiring him to advertise your lordship that I had punctually performed my en

gagements as they stood in relation to your lordship. Upon which I had notice from him that you accepted of my respects to you, which, truly, have never been wanting to your person. But, my lord, besides my inclinations and duty to the service I am in at present, be pleased to examine whether the law of nature hath not instigated me to take my sword again into my hand, for when I was in peaceable manner in London there was a price set upon me by the Committee of Derby House, upon which I was constrained to retire myself into my own country and to my native town for refuge, where, my lord, I do remain, not your prisoner, but your lordship's very humble servant,

"CHARLES LUCAS.

"Colchester, June the 19th, 1648."

The defence was held to be insufficient, and on the evening of the 28th August, 1648, the day on which Colchester surrendered " upon mercy," poor Lucas paid the forfeit of his life. The descending sun shone brightly on a green spot under the walls of old Colchester Castle, when at 7 o'clock in the evening he was brought out to suffer. No word of complaint fell from him. "I have often looked death in the face on the field of battle," he remarked, as he took his station before three files of musketeers, "you shall see that I dare die." He fell on his knees and uttered a brief soldier's prayer. He rose again, opened his doublet, placed his hands by his side, and turning to his executioners exclaimed, "See, I am ready. Rebels, do your worst." They fired, and he fell dead upon the instant.

These volumes tell us nothing new respecting the trial of the King. Lord Fairfax's name stood at the head of the list of Commissioners of the High Court of Justice. He attended the first private meeting on the 8th January, 1648-9, but never again. His wife, it is well known, was present at the public sitting on the 19th January, and interrupted the proceedings by exclaiming that her husband had more wit than to be there, that the proceeding had not the consent of half the people of England, and that Oliver Cromwell was a traitor. Fairfax was clearly not a man to sail on such troubled waters. His friends advised him to withdraw. The time had come for Cromwell, whose puppet Lord Fairfax had been for years, to step himself

upon the scene.

Thenceforth Fairfax

was useless. He felt himself to be so. He retired to Nun Appleton, near York, and was instantly as entirely night king, or as one of the heroes of forgotten by the people as a Twelfththe deposition of Louis Philippe. When Cromwell died and Restoration was all the cry, Fairfax assisted Monk in putting down Lambert and bringing_royalty quietly home again. Brian Fairfax's account of the doings of himself and his relative Sir Thomas at that

period fills twenty pages. It is certainly a very interesting paper.

At the close of the year 1659 the principal struggle for the government of England lay between Monk, who was at the head of a body of troops stationed near Coldstream, just within the Scotish boundary, and Lambert, who, with a larger force, had his head quarters on the English frontier, within a very few miles of Monk. Their two armies confronted and watched each other. Lambert commanded all the roads, and effectually prevented Monk from communicating with the people in the south, who were anxiously looking to him as their only protector against the strong republicanism of Lambert. Popular favour placed the balance in the hands of Monk, but, for the time, Lambert's superior force and commanding position rendered his opponent unable to stir a step. After a little while, Monk contrived to smuggle a letter to Lord Fairfax. He solicited the old general to extricate him from the dead lock in which he was placed. He called upon him once more to raise his ancient standard, to summon the people of Yorkshire to assemble under their old victorious leader, and in this way to inclose Lambert between two fires. The attempt was dangerous, but Fairfax felt inclined to comply with the request. The difficulty was, that if Lambert, who grievously suspected Fairfax, and had stationed a regiment to watch his movements, should pour down upon him before his preparations were complete, the scheme would be ruined, and the cause placed in the greatest jeopardy. Fairfax assembled a few of his nearest friends and submitted the matter to their judgment. With their concurrence he determined to adopt the course pointed out by

Monk. It was now the middle of December. New Year's Day was fixed for the rising, and Marston Moor for the place of assembly. But Monk was to be communicated with, so that if, when the first of January came, he found Lambert moving southward to attack Fairfax, he might instantly press upon his rear. How was this communication to be accomplished? Monk's brother-in-law, who had been his messenger, was disabled by an accident. A gentleman of quality undertook the task, and travelled openly along the high road. He was stopped by Lambert. Time slipped away and no further attempt was as yet made. The 20th December arrived, when it chanced that Brian Fairfax, a son of Lord Fairfax's cousin the Rev. Henry Fairfax, arrived accidentally at Nun Appleton on a visit to his relations. He came in the very uick of time. The subject of communicating with Monk was under consideration when he entered the house. Lord Fairfax instantly exclaimed"Here is my cousin Brian! I will undertake he shall do it." In some little ignorance of the danger that lay before him, Brian started the following morning, dressed like a young country clown," and mounted on an excellent useful horse, but one of no pretence. Sword and pistol were refused him. His brother put in his hand a sword-cane at parting, but that, from the gentility of its appearance, was thought to be as suspicious as a rougher weapon, and Brian soon left it behind him. His message to Monk was delivered to him in words, and for his route his direction was, to avoid all high roads, and every place, especially in Durham and Northumberland, where there was a trace of soldiery, and to find a course, in a straight line across the hills of Westmoreland and Cumberland, which were at that time covered with snow and all the streams frozen. He made his way the first night to the residence of Sir Robert Strickland at Thornton Bridge. Sir Robert was an old loyalist who could be trusted, and Brian was the bearer of an explanatory letter addressed to him by a friend. Sir Robert had estates stretching far across Westmoreland. He sent on Brian Fairfax to Sizergh, near Kendal, to his steward there, one Thomas Shep

ard, who had been employed in such matters before, and whom Sir Robert charged to accompany Brian Fairfax the remainder of his way. After two days Shepard's residence was gained. "Mr. Shepard," says Brian Fairfax, "kindly entertained me at his house, and prepared to go with me next morning; but he told me of more difficulties and dangers than I thought of; that troops and Lambert's army were quartered all the way, and the by-ways watched. But the great danger would be from the mosstroopers, who robbed and murdered on the borders."

Thus fore-warned, the messenger and his guide went away "by moonshine next morning." Several times during that day they were examined by Lambert's soldiery, and a party who entered the cottage in which they took shelter at night were attracted by the whiteness of Brian Fairfax's hands. Shepard's ingenuity extricated them from all difficulty. With dexterous readiness he began to instruct the soldiers how to cure their lame horses, and so effectually fixed himself in their good esteem that they forgot the suspicious gentility of his companion. The next day they crossed the Eden several times on the ice, left Carlisle about six miles to the west, and reached Brampton near Naworth, where they rested for the night. Here again they fell in the way of Lambert's soldiery, but Shepard's skill in farriery operated as a certain pass to their regard. It seemed as if they were ashamed to entertain any distrust of a man who made himself so useful wherever he went. The next morning they started again, crossed the borders, and escaped Lambert's army. Their course lay north-east, through Liddlesdale and down by the banks of the Tweed to Kelso and Coldstream. Having safely escaped the soldiery, they now fell in the way of the still wilder and more savage moss-troopers. They journeyed on throughout the day and far into the night, which the moonshine and the snow made as clear as day. About midnight Shepard's horse fell lame, near Castletown, a village on the hills. They determined to rest for two or three hours, in the hope that in that time the wearied animal would re

cover.