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Chim. A

Amitted 2

with the

f the prizer cled and nal chaat The mess

which pressed upon his own title, he ad-
mitted all others to unlimited discussion; and
while the most equal justice was distributed,
under his auspices, through all the ranks of
the community, his vigorous arm controlled
Europe, and seated Britain, as her queen,
upon the throne. His generous policy, that
protected the reformed churches against their
catholic oppressors, one exertion of which,
for the Protestants of Piedmont, has already
been mentioned, was alone sufficient to soften
the hostility, if it could not entirely engage
the affection of Milton.

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On the death of Oliver the usurper was no more, but the usurpation survived; and for the vigour and liberality, which he had been accustomed to respect, Milton saw nothing but the weakness and the selfishness of faction, trampling upon the rights and the patience of the nation, and precipitating itself, with the cause which it professed to support, into irretrieveable ruin.


He was not, however, wanting to the community at this crisis of confusion and alarm. Apprehensive of returning intolerance from the increasing influence of the Presbyterians, he published two treatises, one called, Treatise of the Civil Power in Ecclesiastical Causes;" and the other, "Considerations

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touching the likeliest Means to remove Hire lings out of the Church." In the first of these works, which he addressed to the Parliament convened by Richard Cromwell, he asserts the entire liberty of conscience, and, with arguments drawn from the sacred writings, he demonstrates that in matters merely of religion the interference of the magistrate is unlawful: in the second, which he inscribed to the Long Parliament on its revival by the army, he allows the propriety of a maintenance for the christian minister, but, arguing against the divine right as well as the


Heavenly Father. Milton, as a po

been so long withdra servation; and had

political expediency of tithes, he is of opi- under the shade of

ment, that his repul Suspect him of alie and of hesitation in entered with so muc



on's Bay, with the s
ada, to the Mississi

tinent beholds the re

nected with the pat subsisting in indepen munities, breathing which constitutes its with its distinct yet b combination of har


nion that the pastor ought to be supported by the contributions of his own immediate flock. To the politician who contemplates in this country the advantages of a church establishment, and sees it in union with the -most perfect toleration, or to the philoso pher who discovers, in the weakness of human nature, the necessity of present motives to awaken exertion and to stimulate attention, the plan recommended by our au


opinion of his consi erer, by the public been speaking; and him to be still the M a letter, addressed the first of these t

thor would appear to be visionary or perni- Causham, dated n

cious; and we should not hesitate to condemn it, if its practicability and its inoffensive consequence were not incontrovertibly established by the testimony of America. From Hud

man says, "I conf racy in the countr and that with mud ship to truth in yo

Means to reture!



med tote


son's Bay, with the small interruption of Canada, to the Mississippi, this immense continent beholds the religion of Jesus, unconRand (nected with the patronage of government, subsisting in independent yet friendly comFrom thesmunities, breathing that universal charity which constitutes its vital spirit, and offering, then with its distinct yet blending tones, one grand combination of harmony to the ear of its Heavenly Father.


mich se

its revirle

Milton, as a political writer, had now been so long withdrawn from the public observation; and had so long been reposing under the shade of the Protectoral government, that his republican admirers began to suspect him of alienation from their cause, and of hesitation in the race on which he had entered with so much spirit and effect. Their opinion of his consistency was restored, however, by the publications of which we have been speaking; and they now acknowledged him to be still the Milton of former times. In a letter, addressed to him, on the subject of the first of these treatises, by a Mr. Wall of Causham, dated may 29, 1659, that gentleman says, "I confess I have even in my privacy in the country oft had thoughts of you, and that with much respect for your friendship to truth in your early years and in bad

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It to be sp

is oan ins

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ncaknes t

of presc nd to stic

aded brot onary org le to code Difensivece ly establisk From H

times. But I was uncertain whether your relation to the Court, (though I think that a commonwealth was more friendly to you than a court) had not clouded your former light: but your last book resolved that doubt."

As the disorders and the disgraces of the year increased, while the earnest protestations of Monk and the existence of a Parliament, in which the royalists formed an inconsiderable party, still supported the hopes of the republicans against the visible and strong current of the national opinion in favour of monarchy, the solicitous apprehension of Milton for the general result, and his indignation at the outrages of the army are discovered in a letter to a friend, dated october 20th, 1659; which, with another paper, addressed, as it is believed, to Monk, and entitled, "The present Means and brief Delineation of a free Commonwealth," was first published by Toland, and is well worthy of the reader's attention.

After an interval of a few months, he inscribed to Monk, who now seemed to com

Transcribed from the original by Mr. Owen of Rochdale in Lancashire. Birch's Life of Milton, p. xlii. The whole letter is inserted in P. W. vol. ii. 388, and the reader will find it to be deserving of his notice.

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mand the issue of t

easy Way to establish

a piece intended ra necessarily conseque into its old vassalage

monstrate the prefer
a monarchical gover

ay just model of a
this work, as well as
tion," he shows him
qualified appeal to
them incapable of d

for their own interes

le says, "will be to
tions not committi
shouting of a rude m
only those of them
to nominate as mar
of that number othe

choose a less numbe after a third or four actest choice, they e the due number, the worthiest" Wil on of a party-zeald principle for the atta bject; and thinks


mand the issue of things, "The ready and easy Way to establish a free Commonwealth;" a piece intended rather to expose the evils necessarily consequent to the nation's relapse into its old vassalage under kings, and to demonstrate the preference of a republican to de da monarchical government, than to propose any just model of a popular constitution. In this work, as well as in his " Brief Delineation," he shows himself to be fearful of an unqualified appeal to the people; and deems them incapable of determining with wisdom for their own interests. "Another way," as says, "will be to qualify and refine elections; not committing all to the noise and shouting of a rude multitude; but permitting only those of them who are rightly qualified to nominate as many as they will, and out of that number others of better breeding to choose a less number more judiciously, till, after a third or fourth sifting and refining of exactest choice, they only be left chosen, who are the due number, and seem, by most voices, the worthiest." With the strong prepossession of a party-zealot, he deserts his general principle for the attainment of his particular object; and thinks that his own opinions


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s well wes

months be Pemed to

Owea of Ea Ali. The he reader s

P. W. v. iii. 416.

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