the Assembly to accord him four evenings for a political police, had already been set over various course of Fourierisinprovinces, not less than three adjacent in the May I ask, is it possible to express completely south; and with unlimited inquisitorial prerogaat this tribune the criticism of present society and tive. The same majority were jealous of Cavaigthe constitution of a new world? (Movement.) nac's ostentatious denunciations of the legitimists It is possible to transform this tribune into a profes- and former Orleanists; his leaning towards the sor's chair. (Yes, yes!) I therefore ask the As-extreme democrats; his indulgence to such Jacosembly to accord me four evening sittings. (Loud bin organs as La Réforme and La République, laughter; cries of No, no! Yes, yes!) Four free while he crushed the much less culpable Gazette sittings in the old chamber, and I will expose my de France. doctrine (great confusion.) The President.-M. Considérant may speak in this tribune if he pleases; but if he wants to open a course of lectures it cannot be here. (Applause.) The upshot of the discussion of two sittings on the phraseology of the clause in the constitution re-tion of them for such a purpose; without consultspecting labor, was the adoption of this text The republic is bound, by a fraternal assistance, to ensure the existence of citizens in want, either by procuring them work within the limits of its resources, or in affording, in default of family, such aid as they may seem to demand. It had become evident that the exec utive chief was not with the majority, though the majority had yielded all that he seemed to desire, and stifled whatever threatened to raise any mutual distrust or contrariety of effort. The application to representatives; the selec ing the Assembly, could not be passed in silence. Early in the sitting of Saturday, Monsieur Baze, a sort of lord of the department of Lot-et-Garonne -a magnate of the bar—and a tried republicaninterrogated from the tribune, Sénart the able minister of the interior, touching the paragraph of The minister first disclaimed all Saturday is called the day of explosions in the the National. Assembly. The last (16th) did not belie the stated association of the executive with the National, all distinction. The public, and the Assembly in responsibility for its statements;-" murmurs, loud particular, were struck, on Friday, with two om- murmurs-prolonged murmurs from the floor." inous paragraphs, the first in the National, the In fact, every auditor knew the allegation to be other in the Débats. insincere, as every one disbelieved M. Guizot's disavowals of intimacy and dependence between his cabinet and the court, and the Journal des Débats. The much and justly respected predecesFrench premier to the dilemma of fibbing officially sor of Mr. Rush, Senator King, once put the on that head. The frightful conflict of June, the promulgation of certain social doctrines, the state of trade and public misery, have produced in certain departments, a blind reaction against the republican principle itself. It appears that General Cavaignac has thought it right to resort to a measure calculated to enlighten the departments as to the real inten- Sénart proceeded to acknowledge the project tions of the National Assembly and the govern- of a deputation of representatives, with a view to ment, of a nature, in a word, to correct deluded ascertain and "reanimate public spirit-republiopinions. A certain number of the representatives, can spirit that seemed to flag; to transfer to the were, it is said, summoned to meet yesterday, at the residence of the chief of the executive government, who requested them to accept a mission to the departments. This mission will, it is said, be entirely one of conciliation, and will also have for its object to obtain for the government information as to the true state of opinion, and of the administration of the local authorities. The government, in order to obtain an exact ac count of the respective strength of each party in France, has ordered to be drawn up, in every department, a general list of all the citizens who have been named members of the municipal councils, indicating the opinions of each. This demand, which is imposed with great urgency upon the prefects, lays down the four following categories-viz., legitimists, conservatives, ardent republicans, and moderate republicans. the whole Assembly, of confidence and faith in country the thought and feeling predominant with the futurity of the republic"-an idea which was received with the same expression of countenance, over the hall, as the asseveration about the National. The minister added-"The administrative personnel in the provinces is incomplete; the disquietude is great, the inhabitants have doubts of the real tendencies and designs of the government; it behoves, it concerns us, to refresh and rectify public opinion; to study the means proper to give stability to the political system established on the 24th February." He was answered by Baze and another intrepid and masterly pleader, de Falloux, of great personal and literary consideration, with conclusive reasons, some twenty at least, against the executive transaction. They No one had forgotten the unfortunate action and results of the missions to the provinces, pleni-more than hinted that it originated with a cabal potentiarized, as the French term it, by Ledru Rollin, when minister of the interior. The names of some of the representatives summoned for the new errand, happened to transpire immediately, and to be among the most obnoxious for the majority-I mean the former monarchists and the moderate republicans not connected with the National and its circle. Commissaries, styled of seeking to secure their monopoly of influence in the executive branch, and of office everywhere, persuading the general that, by operating directly with absolute authority in the interior, they could decide his election to the presidentship of the republic, and defeat reaction by the old monarchical parties and men. No discussion, I think, has occurred in the As : of the members. M. Pagnerre suddenly quitted endeavored by gesture to calm down the animation the chair, and was seen conversing with M. Marrast. The sitting was by that act suspended, and remained so for about twenty-five minutes. M. Marrast, after speaking with M. Pagnerre, descended into the body of the house, and in a moment after went out with General Cavaignac. All the ministers followed them. The utmost agitation continued to prevail. sembly, to which the whole body lent a closer | doubt about the matter, I demand that the Assemattention or keener interest. Cavaignac betrayed bly pass to the order of the day, but only after a an earnestness—a solicitude, hitherto not detected vote formally expressed." (Approbation.) in his deportment and eye. The liveliest agitation followed this declaration. When de Falloux The representatives left their places, and descended asked if the house could consent that representa-into the body of the house. A numerous and comtives on mission should be paid from the secret-pact group was formed at the foot of the tribune, service-money, the general ejaculated, rudely close to the seat of General Cavaignac, to whom enough" Who told you that?" De Falloux animated words were addressed, as well as to M. replied" I ask if it be so." Cavaignac-"You Marie. Further down M. Garnier Pages and M. run ahead, sir, fast, very fast." De Falloux- Corne mounted up on the benches of the left, and "I rejoin to the honorable General Cavaignac, that I merely follow public opinion, which it is your duty, general, especially to investigate and obey. In France, public sentiment moves always very quickly the executive government may not complain; it must accustom itself to this celerity." A member cried-"Try rather to moderate its pace." Another-"You have organized counter revolution in the provinces, and your aim is to prevent us from combating it efficiently." A third-"It is only a little sentimental journey intended for some of us zealous republicans." A fourth-"Nobody will now venture to go." The M. Marrast said :-"I do not come here to prominister talked of the objection that the Assembly long a discussion which has thrown the Assembly into such animation. I shall merely read to you should have been invoked to select impartially a an order of the day which I propose for your adoptrust-worthy delegation. Chorus on the floor- tion. It runs thus:- The National Assembly, "No, no, let us eschew the whole affair." Ca- after having heard the explanations given, and leavvaignac entered the tribune for a moment; Mar- ing to the responsibility of the executive power the rast, who had consigned the chair to Pagnerre, appreciation of the intended measure, does hereby induced the general to leave it without speaking: pass to the order of the day.' (From all sides, the redoubtable Lagrange was unable to compass Très-bien! très-bien !") a hearing. The impressions of the great majority could not be mistaken. The Minister of the Interior." If the Assembly itself sent some of its members into the departments, it would do quite a different thing from what we desired. (Interruption. A voice: It 'is evident.') It would make a great political measure, of what we only want to have an administrative one (loud marks of disbelief, long interruption.) If the state of the country had appeared such as to render the great measure just alluded to necessary, we should not have hesitated to call for it, and to have freed ourselves from the choice which we have now to make. But you placed us in power to do what is to be done, and nothing more. What we have spoken of appears to us sufficient, and we hope that your confidence will follow us in the execution, as in the conception of the measure." (Great agitation, which lasted some time. At last) M. Besnard appeared in the tribune and said: "The impressions of the Assembly cannot be doubtful to any one. I propose, therefore, that the Assembly do pass purely and simply to the order of the day." (Loud cries of "Hear, hear.") The President." M. Marie demands permission to speak.' The Minister of Justice." In the interest of the power which you have placed in the hands of the government, a measure has appeared necessary which has given birth in this Assembly to very sharp opposition. The minister of the interior has explained to you the meaning and object of that measure, and the government thinks it right to declare frankly that it persists in this measure. (Movement.) In order that there may not be any A little before half-past five, M. Pagnerre again took the chair, the ministers reentered the Assembly, and M. Marrast ascended the tribune. After some time, order being restored, 66 999 The President.-" M. Baze declares that he ad heres to this order of the day." (Hear, hear.) Great agitation still continued to prevail. second time read the order of the day. (The conM. Marrast again ascended the tribune, and a fusion continued.) the utmost agitation. Almost all the members rose The president then put it from the chair amidst by degrees in its favor. There were, perhaps, about a dozen persons against on the counter-trial. The order of the day was declared to be adopted. The Assembly adjourned in great agitation at half-past five. A witness to the private conference of the general, Marrast, the ministers and some of the most devoted representatives, has informed me that Taschereau was directed to draw up the order of the day, motivé such as they wanted to avoid the more unfavorable import of the simple order, which would, plainly, be carried, if nothing else were tendered in their behalf; suddenly Marrast appeared to be in alarm and distress; he found that the secretary had added to "appreciation" the word réfléchie; a plan peu réfléchi means a hasty, inconsiderate one. This was expunged at once. As the order remains, it was understood and voted in the same sense. The house would not sanction the project; but as the simple order of the day was unexpectedly made a cabinet-question, and they were not prepared to part with Cavaignac, they gladly took the other from the hands of his immediate counsellors. We are told this day, positively, by some of the journals, that the executive and ministers appreciating, as they writings, are, however, in some conjunctures, of far should at first have appreciated the scheme which worse mischief, than any one of the crimes for the Assembly thus threw back on their responsi- which death may still be inflicted. In their imbility, have relinquished it altogether. The Na- mediate and their distant effects, they have proved tional, half angry at the non-partnership declara- in France, murderous, ruinous, infections, in the tion of Sénart, describes his explanations as weak, highest degree and widest extent. We see, by and denies any participation of its own in the busi- the experience-so awful-of the present day, ness-subjoining, "Ere long, France will divide that there cannot be an experiment more dangerherself into two parties-the republicans of all ous for a European community, than the sudden dates the royalists of all branches." Distrust destruction of its government. A representative in Cavaignac's judgment and independence is ag- moved on the 17th, that all the peines infamantes gravated. General Changarnier, the commander the ignominious or stigmatic penalties in the of the national guards, is opposed to him-indiscreetly so far. The minister of war, though a friend, is not a political ally, or at least avoids relations with the cotérie, and frowns on all shades of revolutionary fanaticism. To close, for this epistle, the legislative story of last week, let me mention that the house, after long debate, deeply impressive, refused to introduce into the constitution the abolition of capital punishment—even in political cases; and that the reading of the article, Sovereignty of the People, was followed by what I shall here annex for your edification. M. Pierre Leroux ascended the tribune amidst marks of general impatience, and, as usual, brought The sov This amendment was put to the vote and rejected. Paris, 20th Sept., 1848. In the diary of legislative proceedings, which was committed, for you, to the post-office yesterday, there is a mistake concerning the final vote on the point of inserting in the constitution the abolition of capital punishment. The article adopted exempts political offences alone from that punishment. Insurrections, conspiracies, seditious French code should be expunged for political of- Soci An advocate for the total abolition of capital punishment dwelt, in a remarkable strain, on what you call Lynch Law, which is greatly more familiar in French than in American history. I am tempted to translate some of his observations. "You have been reminded, citizens, that the people, on the 24th or 25th of February, condemned to death men, detected in pillaging. What should We perceive the peowe recognize in this fact? ple putting themselves in the stead and functions of the regular judicature of the country, in a manner which may be praised, but, in general, should be deplored. In truth, this fact of summary justice by the people on flagrant enormities, has very often occurred in France; our annals afford a great multitude of sad examples. Now, to induce the people to forego this execution of their power and gratification of their impulses under the semblance of justice, society should renounce the right of capital punishment: the people will cease to kill, when you cease. It is irregular and lamentable enough when the inflictions by the people seem due and equitable and honest, but it is absolutely terrible when they are acts of vengeance, and God knows how frequently they have been so here and elsewhere. Let us beware of laws of vengeance; then neither the people, nor individuals will have a pretext to exercise it, and all homicide may disappear." : the great master of the University: "Do you know, Fontanes, what I admire most in the world? It is the powerlessness of force to found anything. and the mind, and in the end the former is always There are only two powers in the world-the sabre conquered by the latter." Thus spoke the man of the sabre par excellence. That great man did not think that brute force could contend against the mind; and he was right. On Monday, Pierre Leroux endeavored to strike from the constitution all provision by the state for clergy of any denomination. His discourse was less discursive and mystical than ordinarily he urged many of the strongest arguments for entire Montalembert dilated with force and truth on the separation of church and state, and for the volun- vitiation of the minds and morals of the humbler tary system. He cited emphatically the example classes; on the moral evils of their condition, even of the American republics who comprehended that worse than the physical, severe as he acknowledged compulsory support of ministers of religion mili- these to be. Ignorance was the hunger of the intated with the principles and genius of republican- tellect; false doctrine, the poison: those who exThe philosopher could scarcely hope to pre-amined the insurgents pent in the prisons and vail over the conviction of the whole Assembly, forts, found that they all could read; and how had that the Roman Catholic priesthood at least would they used their rudimental education-how had starve without stipends from the treasury. He urged that salaries have always prompted to persecutions against new sects and he charged French protestantism with connivance at official severity. ism. M. Coquerel.-I have only a word to reply to M. Pierre Leroux. The law decisions to which he has alluded have been the subject of a protest drawn up by me, and signed by all the Protestant pastors of Paris. Protestantism never wished for liberty for its own sake-it wished that all other communions should also share in it. they profited by it? in reading the works of Proudhon and Louis Blanc. On the day after the invasion of the Assembly in May, it was officially proposed to exclude all religious teaching from the programme of the primary schools throughout France; the consequence of which would have been the assimilation of the peasant-youth to the corrupted generations of the Paris faubourgs. The absolute illiteracy of the majority of the peasants is a sort of protection for their heads and hearts. Could they be impressed with the doctrines, and seduced into the habits, which the This allegation of pastor Coquerel drew loud ap-working orders of Paris have contracted, France plause from all quarters. Count de Montalembert, a leader of the Catholic party in France-of admirable elocution and a caustic spirit-demanded that the constitution should stipulate universal freedom of instruction. He said: I demand full liberty for instruction, and I ask what social interest is there to oppose, as is attempted, all return to religious instruction? None that I can see. Society is, I believe, suffering and menaced-not only by communism, but by socialism. (Movement.) By socialism, I understand the whole ensemble of the doctrines, the natural tendency of which is to declare war on Christian civilization, founded on the double principle of personal property and individual liberty. There were many who thought they defended society and who compromised it by excessive and progressive taxation. There were others who appeared well instructed from their language, and whose menaces caused alarm, but who proposed and defended useful reforms. He should not then attempt to draw a comparison between them, but he would say that society was every day menaced by doctrines which, out of that Assembly armed millions of hands. (Agitation.) The mischief could not be contested; it was for the Assembly to find the remedy. He was well convinced that force would not attain that object. The muskets which three months since had been directed against the republic were charged with ideas. What ideas then, he would ask, could be opposed to those who were thus armed against society? If it were necessary for him to show that force however skilfully directed was insufficient for security, he would invoke the testimony of a man who was the most complete expression of force. Napoleon, in the days of his greatest power, said to 66 would be only an immense, and fatal, and hideous anarchy. The count repeated, mercilessly, the strictures he so often poured forth in the Chamber of Peers against the French University system. He quoted a journal edited by the new cream of the University," philosopher Jules Simon, to this effect: "Nothing is really taught except Latin; very little of that is acquired; nothing else whatever." This may pass for exaggeration yet it must be confessed that classical studies are not pursued with half the success or credit that signalized the college-system of the old regime. However, much practical knowledge, then neglected, is now communicated, diffused, honored and otherwise recompensed; the application of the sciences to the mechanic arts has constantly extended; and primary instruction in France is marked by general progress. The University under the Orleans government was in the hands of philosophers, so called, of the superior grade; they professed deference for Christianity, though their lectures and writings, and their known private sentiments, were of infidel or unfavorable purport. The philosophy, creeds and management to which the revolution of February consigned the control and work of education, are fitted to excite livelier alarm for the cause of religion: communism is the training of adults in France and Germany. On the 19th, the stated continuation of the debate on the constitution was supplanted by the project of the war-department for colonizing Algeria. No time was to be lost in drawing off the superabundant and suffering population of the great cities: very many thousands of families were ready end for the whole peninsula. The second article to emigrate thither: twelve thousand individuals treats of agricultural industry in France. It rests could be despatched this year. Such were the in- on official statistics; shows how much is needed stances of the minister, General Lamoricière, who of inquiry and reform, and represents, as the main expounded and defended his whole scheme with evils, the minute division of the soil, the want of patriotic zeal, and a vigor of reasoning which capital, the injudicious distribution of labor, and wrought on the Assembly all he could desire. other means; the insecurity of proprietors, and the A number of distinguished speakers commented on indigence of the rural laborers. It is a gloomy it in detail; some reproved it utterly. The re- picture on the whole. The third article consists porters well observe, that he vanquished the wordy of a dissertation lately read to the Academy of lawyers as if they were Arabs. The bill opens Moral Sciences, by the erudite J. J. Ampère, the at the treasury a credit of fifty millions of francs, to main object of which is to prove by an application be appropriated to the settlement of ten or fifteen of the Champollion-method-the testimony of thousand families in Algeria; of which sum, five monuments and inscriptions-the following three millions available this year, ten the next, thirty-five propositions:-1st, That there were no castes in in the years 1850 and 1851. God only knows, ancient Egypt, taking the word in the strict accephowever, what will be the situation of the treasury |tation; that, for example, which it has in India. or the government, even next year. Each colonist 2d. That in Egypt several important professions, is promised, as a cession, from two to ten hectares the sacerdotal, military, judicial, and some others, of land; a hectare exceeds somewhat two French were not constantly hereditary. 3d. That no other acres. During the three first years he will re- broad division existed between the several portions ceive the subsidies necessary for his enterprise. of Egyptian society, than everywhere obtains beThe fund pays the expenses of his emigration. tween men in eminent professions, and those Lamoricière has in horror all the new-fangled as-who exercise trades. All this conflicts with old soriations of labor; all communism, upon the Cabet authority and the opinion of many centuries. Amor the Owen plans. Several of the speakers pro- père glorifies Champollion; he boasts of the homposed them argumentatively; he combated them age which his discoveries and process have won in in a way that occasioned merriment; he believed America as well as Europe. that they were contrivances of individuals who aimed at getting all authority and profits within their own grasp; it was to constitute themselves an état major, to parade, idle, with black coats and round hats, while their subjects toiled and obeyed, that these gentlemen tasked their ingenuity in framing codes of association. I was struck with the assertion, which seemed to be generally admitted in this debate, that all the cultivable soil in France has been filled for centuries, and that the portions not so, have been abandoned because they present near-threatened no such catastrophe; that the approprily insuperable obstacles. Lamoricière argued that, at all events, it was wiser to expend labor and money on the virgin lands of Algeria, than the sterile or effete at home, independently of the necessity of colonizing the province for the preservation of the conquest. The other article of consequence is of 37 pages, on the State of the French Finances before the Revolution of February; a subject already treated in able pamphlets by an ex-minister of the treasury, by Benjamin Delessert, and the present head of the Bank of France, Monsieur d'Audiffret. The author of the article, L. Vitet, a representative, is not inferior to his predecessors in knowledge and exposition; he denies that the revolution saved France from bankruptcy; insists that the finances ation of the vast revenue to the national purposes which he specifies, had lasting utility honorable to the Orleans reign; and that if embarrassed finances sufficed to overthrow governments, the republic would be in extreme danger. 66 The "Political Chronicle" deals freely with the La Révue des deux Mondes, issued on the 15th leading traits and measures, and general capacity of inst., offers various articles of pith and moment, Dictator Cavaignac. It relates that the unfortunate of which I have neither leisure nor space to fur- and regretted Duke of Orleans, who, though he knew nish, by this mail, an adequate account. The first, Cavaignac's connections, did not withhold the proper of 28 pages, is a survey of the case of Italy in gen-protection of his military career, observed, "Pereral, and the Italian Revolution of 1848, by the haps I am raising up a commander for the repubintelligent Princess Christine Trivulce de Belgioso, lic." Cavaignac," adds the Review, "has sangwho has acted in that revolution in the way I have froid and manly bearing; he speaks little, rarely heretofore reported. Mignet, the historian, her too much; he scarcely ever laughs, and is not intimate friend, is presumed to be her collaborateur familiar in intercourse. He is of good faith in in the digest of her interesting and authentic de- what he utters, according to the range of his ideas, tails and news. She ascribes the unfortunate re- and the habits of his judgment; in public, his voice sults to the discrepancies of parties, and the faults is of command, and sometimes his enunciation is of leaders, political and military; and she especial-hollow and embarrassed; his apparent conviction ly blames the provisional government of Milan. inspires respect. Let him beware of flatterers She hopes that the dismal experience of the and interested counsels. Lamartine paid dear to divisions of chiefs, and the disorders of the people, learn that popularity must not be exposed to rash will prove salutary; peace, and the subsidence of or very bold trials." A frequenter of Cavaignac's turbid fermentation, are now the most desirable soirées tells me that Lagrange, the Montagnard, |