Explanation of the Hufbandry Plate. the experiment was to be made within three months from the date; but fo much time was neceffary for preparation, that on the appointed day things were not in readinets, and Mr. B. loft the bet. Soon after this the veffel was finished, and Mr. Day wrote from Plymouth, that every thing was in readinefs, and fhould be executed the moment Mr. B. arrived. Mr. Blake ac cordingly fet out for Plymouth; upon his arrival a trial was made in Catwater, where Mr. Day lay during the flow of the tide for fix hours, and fix more during the tide of ebb, confined all the time in the room appropriated for his ufe. A day for the final determi nation was then fixed; and the vessel was towed to the place agreed upon : Mr. Day provided himself with whatever he thought neceffary, went into the veffel, let the water into her, and with great compofure retired to the room conftructed for him, and shut up the valve. The fhip went gradually down in twenty-two fathom water, at two o'clock on Tuesday in the afternoon, being to return at two the next morning. He had three buoys, or meffengers, which he could fend to the furface at option, to announce his fituation below; but none appearing, Mr. B. who was near at hand in a barge, began to entertain some suspicion, and applying to the Captain of the Orpheus frigate and to Lord Sandwich for affiftance, both of them did all in their power to regain the veffel, but without effect. Some Account of the Conftruction and East of England, among other ufeful articles, has obliged the public with the experiments of John Arbuthnot, Efq; of Ravensbury, in Surry. Thefe experiments do honour to the Spirited cultivator, who has fpared no expence in his endeavours to promote the interests of husbandry. That gentleman has not only ftruck out new inethods of culture, but has invented new inftruments for carrying thofe methods into execution. It were in vain to attempt to follow the most advantageous plan without being first of all poffeft of the proper tools to work with. Mr. Arbuthnot, in his improvements, has proceeded on the Tullian principle, and he has been happy in the invention of instruments GENT. MAG. July, 1774• 305 which now may be purchafed at a fmall expence, in comparison with the fums expended in bringing them to perfection. Mr. Arbuthnot's method of planting turneps is moft certainly highly advantageous, as it facilitates the feveral operations of hoeing, cleanfing, and meliorating the land at the fame time. The instrument he ufes for drilling is the fimpleft that can be, and the bare reprefentation of it, in Fig. 1. fhews how eafy it is in the construction. It is drawn by a man, or even a boy, when the land is made fine for the reception of the feed. The little cags or barrels are about nine inches long, and fix in diameter, and are perforated with holes, which may be placed wider and closer at pleafure for discharging the feed thicker or thinner in the rows. The harrows that cover the feed are placed loose to play upon the axis of the wheel that governs the inftrument. The wheel cannot be made too light, fo that it does not hitch; and the cags may be fet near or clofer, according to the width required between the rows. Mr. Arbuthnot has fuccefsfully drilled turneps after peafe in Auguft. He recommends equidiftant rows, twa feet afunder, as that space affords fufficient room for horfe hoeing, which as fast as the weeds begin to gather ftrength should never be omitted. Hand hoeing the rows is easily performed, but it requires fome care în fetting out the plants. In feeding off the turneps when the land happens to be wet, Mr. Arbuthnot's method deferves particular attention. He caufis a headland to be plowed deep, and in proportion to the number of fheep to be fed, he proportions his pen; then litters the whole fpace with fraw, folds, and gives the turneps in cribs. The rich dung which be in this manner procures is no inconfiderable acquifition; andwhere folding cannot be prac tifed, this affords an excellent fuccedaneum. Mr. Arbuthnot has tried various receipts to deftroy the fly; but none of them have antwered except the fol lowing: he collects all forts of green weeds from hedges, &c. mixes them with ftraw, and lays them in heaps on the windward fide of the field, then fets them on fire, fo that the wind may blow the fioke over the whole field. The weeds fhould be green, as it is the fmothering of the flame that produces the effect. This drives away the fly 366 Dr. Secker's Notion of the Trinity. at once, and should be done as foon as the turneps begin to appear. Other receipts we have already mentioned, fee Vol. XLIII. p. 503. but they cannot be too often repeated at the proper feafon. Fig. 2. is a still more fimple turnep, drill, if fimpler can be, than Fig. 1. It has the fame cags put in a frame to be fixed to the tail of a plow, and may be used where the land is lefs fine, and confequently where the other Is lefs proper. Fig. 3. is a double plough to head up lands from the flat. The advan, tage of it is, that the middle of narrow Jands, which is the best of the field, and which ought to be in the lightest condition, is trampled by the horfes in backing up the first furrow in the com mon method. Two horses work it completely, doing double the work of common ploughs. DIMENSIONS. From 1 to 5, fix feet, three inches. From 3 to 4, three feet, eight inches. From 4 to 5, two feet. From 6 to 2, three feet, two inches. From 7 to 8, two feet, two inches. From 9 to 10, two feet, two inches. From tail to tail, one foot. It were to be wished that Mr. Young had been particular in explaining the conftruction of his inAruments. Mr. Tull's method is an example that should be followed, as it is very difficult for ordinary workmen to comprehend the mechanism from the bare reprefentation in a cut. * In reply to the friendly intimation of our correspondent, who recommends improvements in agriculture as a flated part of our Magazine on the plan of the Museum Rufticum, we have only to fay, that we fhall be very ready to communicate to the public ufeful obfervations of whatever kind, provided they are accommodated to limits which we can allot to any one article in our Magazine. The EDITOR. of foul and body, and I believe *, being certain that there is fomething more than a body in me, but what it is I know not, and there are evidently two perfons united in one, and that it is the work of God. I imagine in this the Enquirer will agree with me, tho' he will not allow that there are three perfons in God; and I must confefs, that I believe the Almighty can as eafily unite three in one, as he hath two in me, I think I cannot more exprefsly prove Chrift to be God than in the words of the late Archbishop Secker. "But the most important and eminent fenfe in which Chrift is the fon of God, remains yet to be mentioned: as, in respect of his divine nature, he derived his being from the father by an eternal generation, not as creatures do, who are made out of nothing, and were made by him, but in a manner peculiar to himfelf, and inconceiv able to us; by which all the God-head dwells in him, and he and the father are in the ftrictest union one, for God was his father, with whom he had glory before the world was, and he in the biginning was with God, and was God over all bleffed for ever." And from the fame : "The Holy Ghoft is, truly and strictly speaking, God; for the language of fcripture concerning him, is fuch as cannot belong to any being he is there called the Eternal Spirit, the Lord. Chrift being conceive ed by him became the fon of God, yet 'there is but one God, and not three inpreme beings, or a superior and inferor object of adoration. Certainly, in general, it is no contradiction, that things should be in one respect the fame, and in another different; but the explicit notion of this union, and this diftinction, the word of God hath not given us."I agree with this learned divine, and think he has explained this myfterious fubject in as clear a light as man can do; and although I cannot quote a text from fcripture expressly faying, Now to God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Ghoft, yet I believe in the Trinity, that the Father is God, the Son God, and the Holy Ghoft God. The Enquirer concludes, Now, if the Son be one God, united with the Father, to whom prayer is addreffed, who is the Mediator?" I answer, Chrift, the fecond perfon, who is God, who luffered for us. This is my opinion, and I think it impoflible to explain it clearer. A Believer in the Trinity.. Precife Day of Cæfar's landing in Britain afcertained. 307 An Attempt to prove the precife DAY when JULIUS CÆSAR made bis firft Defcent upon BRITAIN; also the very SPOr where he landed. THE authors that mention this ex pedition, with any circumstances, are, Cafar in his Commentaries, lib. 4, and Dion Caffius, in lib. 39; Livy's account being loft, in whofe 105th book might poffibly have been found the story more at large. It is certain, that this expedition of Cafar was in the year of the confulate of Pompey and Graffus, which was in the year of Rome 699, or the 55th before the ufual æra of Chrift: and, as to the time of the year, Cafar fays, that exigua parte aftatis reliqua, he came over only with two legions, viz. the 7th and roth, and all foot, in about so fail of merchantfhips, 18 fail that were ordered to carry the horfe not being able to get out at the fame time from another port, where they lay wind-bound. He lays, that he arrived about the fourth houe of the day, viz. between nine and ten in the morning, on the coaft of Britain, where he found the enemy drawn up on the cliff's ready to repel him; which place he thus defcribes: Loci hæc erat natura, adeo montibus auguftis mare continebatur, ut ex locis fuperioribus in littus telum adjici poffit; by which the Cliffs of Dover and the South Foreland are juttly described, and could be no other land, fince he fays, in the 5th book of his Commentaries, in Britaniam trajectum effe cognoverit circiter millia paffuum triginta a continenti ; the Cliffs of the North Foreland being at a much greater distance. Here, he fy, he came to an anchor, and staid till the ninth hour, or till between three and four in the afternoon, expeating his whole fleet to come up; and, in the mean time, called a council of war, and advertifed his officers after what manner they were to make their defcent, particularly in relation to the furf of the fea, whole motion he calls celerem atque infabilem, quick and uneven. Then, viz. about four in the afternoon, he weighed anchor, and having the wind and tide with him, he failed about eight miles from the first place, and anchored against an open and plain fhore. Here he made his defcent; and, having told us the oppofition that was made, and the means he used to get on fhore, he comes to fay, that, after he had been four days in Britain, the 18 hips with his hoife put to fea, and were come in fight of his camp, when à fudden tempelt arofe, with contrary wind, fo that fome of the fhips put back again, others were driven to the weftward, not without great danger, and coming to an anchor, they found they could not ride it out; fo, when night came on, they put off to fea, and returned from whence they came. That fame night it was full-moon, which makes the greatest tides in the ocean; and they being ignorant thereof, their gallies, which were drawn on hore, were filled by the tide, &c. Then he fays, that the day of the autumnal equinox being at hand, after fome days itay, wherein there paffed no action, becaufe he kept clofe in his camp by the hore, and not thinking it proper to stay till the winter came on, he returned into Gallia. The next year, he made another expedition, with five legions, and a good body of horfe; but there is but little in the hiftory thereof serving to our purpose, excepting that he fays he fet fail from the Portus Icius about fun-fet, with a gentle S. W. wind, leni Africo profectus ; that, about midnight, it fell calm, and, being carried away with the tide, by the time it was day, he found he had left Britain on the left hand; but then the tide turning, they fell to their oars, and, by noon, reached that part of the inland where he landed before, and came on fhore without oppofition, and then marched up into the country, leaving his ships at anchor in littore molli & aperto. This is all in Cefar that is any thing pertinent; and I find no where else any thing to guide us farther, except one paffage in Dion Caffius, who, fpeaking of the firft landing of Cafar, fays, εἰ μέντοι καὶ ἡ ἔδει προσέχει; that is, as I tranflate, "But he landed not where he intended," for that the Britons, hearing of his coming, had poffeffed all the ufual places of landing. "Axgar TIVA προέχεσαν περιπλέυσας ἐτέξωσε παρεκομί της Κανταυθα της προσμίξαντας, οι ἐπς τὰ τενάγη ἀποβαίνοντι νικήσας, ἔφθη τῆς yes xgatnças: in my English, "Wherefore, doubling a certain head-land, he made to the fhore on the other fide, where he overcame those that skirmished with him at the water's edge, and so got well on land." Here I make bold to tranflate the words, is ra Tuάyn, at the water's edge, which, in H. Ste phen's edition, is interpreted in palu dibus; but I have the authority of Suidar, who fays, tévayos #irayla inus, of 308 Precife Day of Cæfar's landing in Britain afcertained. or the fea-mud, and is therefore properly the oufe on the fea fhore, and, by an eafy figure, may be put for the fhore itself, where fuch oufe commonly is found. From thefe data, that it was in the year of the confulate of Pompey and Graffus, that it was exigua parte aftatis reliqua, and four days before a fullmoon, which fell out in the night-time, the time of this invafion will be determined to a day: for, by the eclipfe of the moon, whereof Drufus made fo good ufe to quiet a mutiny in the Pannonian army, upon the death of Auguftus, it follows, that Augufius died anno Chrifti 14, which was reckoned anno urbis condita 767; and that this act on was 68 years before, viz. in the 55th year before Chrift current; in which year the full moon fell out August 30, after midnight, or 31, in the morning, before day; and the preceding full-moon was Auguft 1, foon after noon; fo that this could not be the full-moon mentioned, as falling in the day time; nor that in the beginning of July, it being not ten days after the luminer folftice, when it would not have been faid exigua parte aflatis reliqua. It follows, therefore, that the full-moon fpoken of was on Auguft 30, at night, and that the landing on Britain was August 26, in the afternoon, about a month before the autumnal equinox, which agrees to all the circumstances of the story in point of time." As to the place, the high land and cliffs defcribed could be no other than thofe of Dover, and are allowed to have been fo by all; it remains only to examine whether the defcent was made to the northward or fouthward of the place where he firft anchored. The data to determine this are, il, That it was four days before the fullmoon 2dly, That that day, by three o'clock in the afternoon, the tide ran the fame way he failed: 3dly, That a S. by E. moon makes high water on alf that coaft, the flood coming from the fouthward. Hence it will follow, that that day it was high water there about eight in the morning, and, confequently, low water about two; wherefore, by three, the tide of flood was well made up, and it is plain that Cafar went with it; and the flood fetting to the northward fhews that the open plan fhore where he landed was to the northward of the Cliffs, and mutt be in the Downs and this I take to be little less than demonftration. A fecond argument is drawn from the wind wherewith he fet out on his fecond expedition, viz. S. W. as appears by the words leni Africo profe&us, with which the navigation of those times would hardly permit a fhip to fail nearer the wind than eight points, or a N. W. course, which would ferve, indeed, to go into the Downs, but would by no means fetch the low land towards Dengynefs, which is much about W. from Calais, and not more than W. N. W. from Boulogne, if it shall be faid that that was the Portus Icius from which Cafar fet out. Whence I take it to be evident, that, if Cæfar was not bound more northerly than the South Foreland, he could not have thought the Africus, or S. W. wind proper for his paffage, which was then intended for the place where he first landed the year before. Juftly to determine which the Portus Içius was, I find no where fufficient grounds; only Ptolemy calls the promontory of Calais-Cliffs by the name of Ικιον ἄκρον ; whence there is reafon to conjecture, that the Portus Icius was very near thereto, and that it was either Ambletuje on one fide, or Calais on the other. The fame Ptolemy places Γισοβριακον ἐπίνειον in the fame latitude with the "Ixior angor, but fomething more to the east, which feems to refute those that have supposed the ancient port of Gefforiacum to have been Boulagne; whereas, by Ptolemy's pofition, it must be either Dunkirk or Graveling, but the former most likely, both by the diftance from the Ικιον ἄκρον, being about 20 miles, or half a degree of longitude, to the east, or two-fifths of the whole coaft of Flanders, which he makes but a degree and a quarter from the Acron Icion to the mouth of the Scheld, which he cails Offia Tabuda; as alto for that Pliny, T. iv. c. 16, fpeaking of Gefforiacum, fays, the proximus trajectus into Britain from thence is so miles, which is too much, unless Gefforiacum were fomething more eaflerly than Calais. Dion Caffius makes the distance between France and Britain 450 fadia, or 56 miles, and fays likewile it is the nearett, T συντομώτατον. But this is in part amended by the explication given in the linerary of Antoninus, where the fpace between Gefforiacum and Rutupium being more northerly, and Gef foriacum more eafterly, than the termini of Cafar's voyage, confequently the distance |