comes on, to give the people proper information, in order to show them the justice and the wisdom of the measures they have pursued; and if the people should at any time be too much elated, or too much dejected, or should without a cause change their minds, those at the helm of affairs have time to set them right before a new election comes on.

As to faction and sedition, Sir, I will grant, that in monarchical and aristocratical governments it generally arises from violence and oppression; but in democratical governments it always arises from the people having too great a share in the government; for in all countries, and in all governments, there always will be many factious and unquiet spirits, who can never be at rest either in power or out of power; when in power, they are never easy, unless every man submits entirely to their direction; and when out of power, they are always working and intriguing against those that are in, without any regard to justice or to the interest of their country: in popular governments such men have too much game, they have too many opportunities for working upon and corrupting the minds of the people, in order to give them a bad impression of, and to raise discontents against those that have the management of the public affairs for the time; and these discontents. often break out into seditions and insurrections. This, Tir, would, in my opinion, be our misfortune, if our Parliaments were either annual or triennial: by such frequent elections, there would be so much power thrown into the hands of the people, as would destroy that equal mixture, which is the beauty of our constitution: in short, our government would really become a democratical government, and might from thence very pro

bably diverge into a tyrannical. Therefore, in order to preserve our constitution, in order to prevent our falling under tyranny and arbitrary power, we ought to preserve that law, which I really think has brought our constitution to a more equal mixture, and consequently to greater perfection than it was ever in before that law took place.

XLVIII. ON SINCERITY.

TRUTH and sincerity have all the advantages of appearance, and many more. If the show of anything be good for anything, I am sure the reality is better; for why does any man dissemble, or seem to be what he is not, but because he thinks it good to have the qualities he pretends to? For to counterfeit and to dissemble is to put on the appearance of some real excellency. Now the best way for a man to seem to be anything, is really to be what he would seem to be. Besides, it is often as troublesome to support the pretence of a good quality as to have it; and if a man have it not, it is most likely he will be discovered to want it, and then all his labour to seem to have it is lost. There is something unnatural in painting, which a skilful eye will easily discern from native beauty and complexion.

It is hard to personate and act a part long; for where truth is not at the bottom, nature will always be endeavouring to return, and will betray itself at one time or other. Therefore if any man think it convenient to seem good, let him be so indeed, and then his goodness will appear to every one's satisfaction; for truth is convincing, and carries its own light and evidence along with it, and will not only commend us to every man's conscience, but, which is much more, to God,

who searcheth our hearts. So that upon all accounts sincerity is true wisdom. Particularly as to the affairs of this world, integrity hath many advantages over all the artificial modes of dissimulation and deceit. It is much the plainer and easier, much the safer and more secure way of dealing in the world; it has less of trouble and difficulty, of entanglement and perplexity, of danger and hazard in it; it is the shortest and nearest way to our end, carrying us thither in a straight line, and will hold out and last longest. The arts of deceit and cunning continually grow weaker and less effectual and serviceable to those that practise them; whereas integrity gains strength by use, and the more and longer any man practiseth it, the greater service it does him, by confirming his reputation, and encouraging those with whom he hath to do, to repose the greatest confidence in him, which is an unspeakable advantage in business and the affairs of life.

A dissembler must always be upon his guard, and watch himself carefully, that he do not contradict his own pretensions; for he acts an unnatural part, and therefore must put a continual force and restraint upon himself. Whereas he that acts sincerely hath the easiest task in the world; because he follows nature, and so is put to no trouble and care about his words and actions; he needs not invent any pretences beforehand, nor make excuses afterwards, for anything he hath said or done.

But insincerity is very troublesome to manage; a hypocrite hath so many things to attend to, as make his life a very perplexed and intricate thing. A liar hath need of a good memory lest he contradict at one time what he said at another; but truth is always consistent with itself, and needs nothing to help it out; it is always near at hand, and sits upon our lips, whereas

he studies for an examination only, he does not wish to understand, but appear to understand; he cares not for unsolved difficulties in his mind, if the examiner detect them not; he wishes to see clearly, only in order that he may express himself clearly. He may thus lose much of what is best in the influence of those studies which tend to educe distinct ideas and sound reasoning habits. Again what is acquired for an examination is likely to be soon forgotten; the mind is bent upon it with an effort, which, though strong at the time, is felt to be temporary, and is followed by a relapse into comparative apathy and obliviousness. Again the habit of preparing for examinations makes the studies which are not recommended by an obvious reference to such an object, appear flat and insipid. The mind craves for the excitement to which it has been accustomed; it becomes restless and volatile; loses the appetite for quiet thought and patient study, and the trust in advantages which must be waited for. Again if examinations become too frequent, all good courses of study are interfered with. Men are always ready to transfer their solicitude from the end to the mean. We cannot make our examinations every thing to our students, without making their love of knowledge nothing. Compulsory examinations must exist in a University; but there is a servile and ignoble influence breathing about them, since they act not on the hopes, but on the fears, and hold disgrace and degradation before the eyes of the candidate.

Whewell, on the principles of English University Education.

XLVII. SIR ROBERT WALPOLE'S REPLY TO SIR JOHN ST. AUBIN'S SPEECH FOR REPEALING THE SEPTENNIAL ACT.

MR. Chancellor of the Exchequer, Though the question has been already so fully opposed, that there is no great occasion to say anything farther against it, yet I hope the house will indulge me in the liberty of giving some of those reasons which induce me to be against the motion. In general I must take notice, that the nature of our constitution seems to be very much mistaken by the gentlemen who have spoken in favour of this motion. It is certain that ours is a mixed government, and the perfection of our constitution consists in this, that the monarchical, aristocratical, and democratical forms of government are mixed and interwoven in ours, so as to give us all the advantages of each, without subjecting us to the dangers and inconveniences of either. The democratical form of government, which is the only one I have now occasion to take notice of, is liable to these inconveniences: that they are generally too tedious in their coming to any resolution, and seldom brisk and expeditious enough in carrying their resolutions into execution: that they are always wavering in their resolutions, and never steady in any of the measures they resolve to pursue; and that they are often involved in factions, seditions, and insurrections, which expose them to be made the tools, if not the prey, of their neighbours; therefore, in all the regulations we make, with respect to our constitution, we are to guard against running too much into that form of government which is properly called democratical; this was, in my opinion, the effect of the triennial law, and will again be the effect if ever it should be restored.

That triennial elections would make our government