munities, is one and the same,* comprising, however, four parts: —first, Wisdom, the essential qualification of rulers;-secondly, Courage, the property of the military class who defend the State; -thirdly, Temperance, the distinctive quality of a well-ordered and obedient commonalty; and, fourthly, Justice, by virtue of which each particular class or individual energises in his own sphere, without encroaching on that of his neighbours. The pure exercise of virtue, however, is exceedingly rare, either in States or individuals; while, on the other hand, errors and defects are constantly observable and ever likely to interfere with correct action. Hence, applying this remark to Politics, our pattern State (ápiorоkpária) will insensibly become vitiated; sinking first into τιμαρχία, and thence into ὀλιγαρχία, δημοκρατία, and lastly downright rupavvic, the worst possible mode of social union. No wonder, for if we compare them with the state of the human soul when reason is on her throne, and also when she is dethroned by the passions, we discover between them a close analogy. From the dominance of the will over reason we realise the idea of Ambition; and this seems nearly allied to the ripapxía of the Cretans and Spartans (which Plato greatly preferred to the democracy of Athens);—again, when rein is given to the appetite, still other and greater evils arise, and among others, Avarice, which bears a close analogy to oλyapxía;-thirdly, when the passions are freely indulged, and in a base manner, without regard to order or decency, we have before us dŋpoxparía or mob-rule;-and lastly, when any one passion or violent emotion exercises sway to the * The question, whether virtue is one or many (often raised without receiving any decisive solution), is connected with the more general one, whether the one (Tỏ év) can be manifold or the manifold one. From the Dialectic, it must be clear, that on this point Plato came to the conclusion that virtue must both be regarded as one, and in another respect also as many. In a moral point of view, however, this question of the unity of virtue must be taken in quite another sense; for as all good is considered as a due measure and proportion, no single virtue, by itself and apart from the rest, can be truly virtuous. Hence Plato often describes some single virtue as comprising in itself the sum of all virtues Thus, Justice is often used for virtue in general, because no action, which is not also just, can be virtuous;-and similarly with wisdom, temperance, and valour. In the Protagoras, too, Plato adds a fifth virtue-oσcóτns, or piety, and in the Republic (iii. 402, b.) he mentions liberality and magnanimity exclusion of all the more generous feelings of our nature, we have an exact picture of rupavvic, which is the worst species of government, and furthest of all removed from political perfection. To return to our pattern State: it must have the principle of permanence in healthy operation; and this is best effected by harmony, or, as it were, unity of action in all the members, just as individual virtue results from the harmonious exercise of the collective mental faculties. The various establishments in a State, therefore, must so cohere and harmonise, as mutually to aid each other; and the most anxious pains must be taken to protect the State from all influences likely to deteriorate good morals and impair the authority of the government. To this end, then, care must be observed, that no innovations (rò un veшrepize, Republ. iv. 424. c.) be introduced in the training of youth in Gymnastics and Music ;-for such innovations, says this ancient Conservative, have an insidious and destructive tendency. The affairs of domestic life, also, must be so regulated, that no base desires shall invade and disturb the State; and to promote this object, as well as to show that the defenders of the State should consider not so much their own individual existence, or their own gratifications, as their inseparable connection and membership with the whole State, to the welfare of which the individual man is ever subordinate ;—on this principle must be explained those strange views of the community of wives and children, that have always excited the astonishment of those not fully acquainted with the moral ends of the Republic. Individuals are, according to this philosopher, members of, and to be merged in, the State;-and hence he suggests also, that even the women should undergo the same kind of training with the young men, as they have their respective aptitudes. Thus is a State to be maintained in permanent health, free from the incursions of civil discord. With whatever ability, howéver, a State may be formed, it cannot be permanently prosperous without the constant and active exercise of virtue;-and just in proportion as sin entails misery and virtue happiness, so, likewise, Tyranny produces disorder and wretchedness; while Aristocracy, i. e., Plato's best form of government, will not fail to exalt the State and its several members to the pinnacle of civil happiness and prosperity. We have thus briefly sketched the general and ethical system of Plato's Philosophy, as well as given a general survey of the subject-matter of the Republic; and it is presumed that the student will now be enabled to take up the writings of Plato with improved facilities, and a far greater probability of getting thoroughly acquainted with the notions of that great philosopher. THE REPUBLIC OF PLATO. BOOK I. ARGUMENT. THE first Book opens with a pleasant and highly dramatic dialogue, in the course of which the happy old Cephalus (a kind of Mæcenas on a small scale) sings the praises of an independent old age, free from anxiety and debt; and this leads Socrates to introduce the discussion of justice, which, by way of provoking inquiry, he first generally defines, as τὰ ἀληθῆ τε λέγειν καὶ, ἃ ἂν λάβοι τὶς, ἀποδιδόναι. The more con plete definition, however, he first attempts by the negative process, purposely selecting two species of (false or inadequate) justice to be refuted, thus to make way for the basis of a full and true definition. He then proceeds to consider the constituents of a state-magistrates and subjects; the former of whom he cautions against tyranny-the latter against indecent insubordination; insomuch as neither the one party should have reference to his own private advantage only, nor should the others live without care for the general advantage of the state, nor without a due regard for honest, upright principle. SOCRATES, ADIMANTUS, [The whole is in the form of a narrative related by Socrates in the presence of Timæus, Critias, Hermocrates, and another of unknown name.* -The scene is in the house of Cephalus at the Piraus.] CHAP. I. I went down yesterday to the Piræus, with Glaucon,† son of Ariston, to pay my devotion to the goddess, —and wishing, at the same time, to observe in what manner they would celebrate the festival, as they were now to do so for the first time. The procession of the natives themselves, in* See the opening of the Timæus. + Glaucon and Adimantus were the brothers of Plato. Comp. Xen. Mem. iii. 6. The festival here alluded to is the Bevdidea, in which Artemis or Bendis was worshipped agreeably to the custom of the Thracians. B |