education was included in the "Ecclesias- | always done heretofore, with strict impar tical purposes" to which the Church Temporalities might be applied? The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, it was his wish to afford every information in his power; but, considering the immense importance of the questions referred to, and the imperfect information before the House, he felt it to be his imperative duty to deprecate premature discussion; and, therefore, he could not go further at present than he had already done in his previous explanations and an swers. CHAIRMAN OF COMMITTEES.] The Chancellor of the Exchequer rose to make a Motion before the House went into a Committee of Supply, for which possibly some Gentlemen might not be prepared, and which others might attribute to motives that had not the slightest foundation. It was now his intention to propose, which he did with the greatest willingness and satisfaction, that Mr. Bernal be called on to resume his place as Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means. But in making this proposition, he must protest against a misconstruction of his motives, principally because it would diminish the compliment which he meant to pay the hon. Member for Rochester. What might have been the fate of another proposition he would not stop to inquire; but this he could say with truth, that he never contemplated any other arrangement with respect to the Chairmanship of Committees than that which he now proposed. He had witnessed with great satisfaction the impartiality, attention, and ability with which the hon. Member's duties had been discharged. There were many individuals present who knew that he (Sir Robert Peel) never contemplated any other appointment than that which he now proposed. He should merely add, that if the proposition were met by an unanimous vote of the House in favour of it, they would be only paying the hon. Gentleman a compliment to which he was justly entitled, and they would add to its value by the mode of conferring it. Lord John Russell was glad, that the right hon. Baronet had made this Motion, which he felt great pleasure in seconding. He only rose for the purpose of bearing his testimony to the great merits of Mr. Bernal, who he was sure would discharge his duties in future as he had tiality, and so efficiently as to deserve the continued and unanimous approbation of the House. The House went into Committee, and Mr. Bernal took the Chair amidst much cheering. The Chairman having read that part of the King's Speech which related to the estimates and was addressed to the House of Commons, put the question, "that a Supply be granted to his Majesty." Motion agreed to, and the House resumed. RATHCORMAC AFFAIR.] Mr. Henry Grattan said, that he had given notice of a Motion for the appointment of a Committee to inquire into the proceedings which took place at Rathcormac, in Ireland, on the 18th of December last; and also for a copy of a letter signed Fitzroy Somerset, dated Horse Guards, 22nd of February, and addressed to Sir Hussey Vivian; but as it was not his wish to excite a debate on the affairs of Ireland, situated as the House and the Government at present were, and still less to give rise to a discussion on the late lamentable occurrence at Rathcormac, which he gave his Majesty's Ministers credit for sincerely lamenting, he should, therefore, not persist in his Motion for a Committee to inquire into that unhappy affair. If, indeed, he were to follow up his original intention, it might prejudice the parties who were implicated, and who now awaited their trial for the part they took in those proceedings. He did not, however, conceive that the right hon. Baronet, the Secretary for Ireland would object to the production of a copy of the letter which was addressed by the Horse Guards to the military that were employed on that occasion, especially as the letter had, in fact, been already made public. Under this impression, he would not, at this time, enter further into the subject; but begged to move that a copy of such letter be laid before the House. He objected to the terms of that letter which praised the conduct of the military, and in this peculiar case might become prejudicial on the trial of the parties concerned in the affair. He thought that the phrases "satisfaction," and "unqualified approbation" might as well have been omitted in the letter. Sir Henry Hardinge was glad, that the hon. Member for Meath had consented to 488 withdraw his Motion for a Committee, | the benefit of it without any reply, for the which in the present state of proceedings same reason as had induced the hon. of the case at least, to inquire into. But modation for their Lordships should be as must have been inconvenient, to say the least of it. On the subject of the second part of the hon. Member's Motion which referred to the letter written by order of Lord Hill, the hon. Member was under an erroneous impression as to the intention of the Commander in Chief in issuing that order. Lord Hill merely intended to express his satisfaction, that the troops had obeyed the directions of the Magistracy when called on so to do; but the letter did not contain any expression of satisfaction that the military had been so employed, nor did it enter into the merits of the case. All it said respecting the melancholy affair in question was simply this" You (the military) have been required to obey the Magistrates, and you have been employed by them; the Magistrates have expressed their satisfaction at your conduct on the occasion through the Lord Lieutenant, and you are entitled to thanks for obeying the civil power." The letter was addressed to the troops, and was never intended to be made public; how it got into the newspapers he (Sir Henry Hardinge) could not tell. He trusted, that the hon. Gentleman would be satisfied with this explanation. He could show the hon. Member that precisely the same thing had been done in the case of Bristol, Carlisle, &c., where, without reference to the result of verdicts, it was always the practice (when the troops had acted under the civil power in conse quence of an application from the Magistrates) to convey to the military such an intimation as this "You have acted under the Magistrates' orders, and they have expressed themselves satisfied with your conduct." That was the whole amount of the approbation bestowed in the present case. If the hon. Gentleman should think fit, after this explanation, to persist in his Motion, he (Sir Henry Hardinge) felt no great objection to it, but he really thought, under all the circumstances, it might be better if the hon. Gentleman would do Lord Hill the justice not to call for the letter. Mr. O'Connell said, it was because he thought there ought not to be any discussion on this subject at present that he hoped the letter would be laid on the Table, and nothing more said about it. The right hon. Gentleman's explanation was perfectly clear,-let individuals have Member for Meath to decline pressing his first Motion. He repeated, let the right hon. Gentleman's explanation have its full weight till it was replied to. Sir John Byng wished to say one word in justice to Lord Hill. That noble Lord never intended to express any opinion as to the conduct of the Magistrates in employing the troops at Rathcormac. But those troops having conducted themselves with the greatest activity, steadiness, and forbearance, and to the perfect satisfaction of the Magistrates, the noble Lord wished to convey the expression of that satisfaction to the troops, to whom nothing could possibly be more acceptable. Mr. Littleton said, that having very recently belonged to the Government more immediately connected with Ireland, he was anxious to advert for one moment to an observation which had been made both in the House and out of it-namely, that the late Government were responsible for the unfortunate proceedings that had occurred at Rathcormac. He begged to state, that neither the late nor the present Government could be considered responsible for those proceedings. Application was made to the Government in the ordinary course for the assistance of the troops. That application was supported by the usual affidavits making out a strong case, on the part of those applying, of the apprehension of danger in the event of assistance not being afforded. These were received by him, and submitted to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, who, according to the uniform practice in such cases, referred the matter to the local Magistracy, who were best qualified to say, how far it was requisite that any extraordinary protection should be afforded to the parties. It having been deemed necessary to afford them the protection required, the usual order was issued to the officer commanding the troops in that particular district to put himself in communication with the officers of police; and they, again, were directed to communicate with the Magistrates, and the parties making the application. The only persons, therefore, who could be considered responsible for the lamentable events that followed, were those under whose orders the military fired. Whether their conduct was proper or not, was a question which this House ought not, in the present state those who took his view of the unhappy occurrences resulting from the employment of troops for the recovery of tithes in Ireland, would hold those persons responsible who refused to pass a measure last Session, in the other House of Parliament, which would have prevented the necessity of having recourse to the troops for any such purpose. The Motion was agreed to. HOUSE OF LORDS, MINUTES.] Petitions presented. By the Duke of Buc- NEW HOUSES OF complete as possible; but he could not The Earl of Rosslyn believed the House Committee appointed. FOR THE POOR LAWS (IRELAND).-PROVISION CATHOLIC CLERGY.] The Marquess of Westminster inquired whether it was the intention of the noble Duke to propose any Measure to Parliament with reference to the introduction of a system of poor laws into Ireland? He also wished to know whether the noble Duke meant to propose any provision for the support of the Roman Catholic Clergy of Ireland; and, if so, from what fund such PARLIAMENT.] The Duke of Wellington said, that not having been in the House yesterday, he could not lay upon the Table the Report of the Committee of the Privy Council on the subject of the cause of the fire which had destroyed the two Houses of Parlia-provision was to be taken? ment. He now begged leave to lay the In the Report before their Lordships. communication which his Majesty had made to both Houses, his Majesty stated that as soon as the misfortune occurred he had directed arrangements to be made for the temporary accommodation of the Members of both Houses, and that it would be the care of the Lords and Commons themselves to consider what would be the best means of providing for their own permanent accommodation, as that question could be best settled by themselves. The mode in which this matter was to be taken into consideration was by the appointment of Committees of the two Houses. It became his duty therefore, in obedience to the commands of his Majesty, to move "that a Select Committee be appointed to take into consideration, and to report on, the best means of carrying into effect his Majesty's most gracious wishes, with reference to the rebuilding of the two Houses of Parliament." There must, of course, be a communication between the Committee of their Lordships, and that appointed by the other House, and the Measure finally agreed on, would require to be adopted by both Houses of Parliament. The Duke of Wellington said, that a Commission was at present employed in making inquiries with reference to the pro priety and feasibility of introducing into Ireland a system of Laws for the relief of the poor in that portion of the Empire. Until that Commission made its Report, of course Government could do nothing on the subject. With respect to the second Question of the noble Marquess, he was not aware that it was intended to make any provision for the Roman Catholic Clergy, and therefore no Question could arise as to the fund out of which such a provision was to come. HOUSE OF COMMONS, MINUTES.] Petitions presented. By Mr. HODGEs, from Tonbridge and Mereworth, for the Repeal of the Malt conse ILLEGAL IMPORTATION OF CORN.] Mr. Poulett Thomson rose, in quence of seeing the noble Marquess, the Member for Buckinghamshire, (the Marquess of Chandos) in his place, to give him an opportunity of correcting an erroneous statement which had gone abroad through Lord Brougham had no doubt that it the medium of a speech made by that was intended that the temporary accom- { noble Marquess to his constituents. A : printed letter had been published by a Mr. Plaistow, addressed to an hon. Friend of his own, the Member for Norfolk. In that letter the following sentence occurred:-" We find it publicly stated by the Marquess of Chandos, and it remains uncontradicted by any Member of the late Administration, that for some time past the Government has connived at the introduction of foreign corn, duty free, was the more satisfied with that declaration of the right hon. Gentleman, as he knew that something which that right hon. Gentleman had said unintentionally and unconsciously on the hustings in Essex, had led to the belief that the change in the Government would cause greater care and attention to be paid to this particular point. Now, whatever might be the effect of the change in the political arrange through the Channel Islands, in suchments of the Government, he thought the quantities as to produce a depression in agricultural produce, and the present stagnation of prices." When that statement was brought under his notice by his hon. Friend the Member for Norfolk, he told his hon. Friend at once that he was convinced that the report of what the noble Marquess had said could not be accurate, for he was perfectly satisfied that the noble Marquess would not have made such a statement had he not believed it to be true, and he was equally satisfied that if the noble Marquess had believed it to be true, he would have felt it to be his bounden duty to have instantly called down upon the Government guilty of such practices the severest reprobation of the country - a penalty such conduct would have richly merited. He had since had the pleasure of hearing from the noble Marquess, that the statement attributed by the report to him was not the statement which he had made; but, as Mr. Plaistow had thought proper to say that the statement had not been contradicted by any Member of the late Administration, he thought it due to the noble Marquess, the late Administration, and also to himself, who had had the honour of presiding at the head of the Department particularly implicated, to obtain, if not a contradiction, at least an explanation from the noble Marquess, and to give the most positive denial to all rumours of the kind, which he knew had been circulated anonymously to a very considerable extent. He was likewise extremely anxious that the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Alexander Baring), who now filled the situation which he had held under the late Administration should be present at this discussion; for if he had been correctly informed, that right hon. Gentleman on Friday last, when he was not in his place, had completely acquitted the late Government, as far as his information went, of any want of zeal or activity in endeavouring to put a stop to such proceedings, He right hon. Gentleman would admit that, as far as attention could be paid to the prevention of fraud in the admission of foreign corn into our ports duty free, that attention had been paid to the fullest extent by the late Government. He well knew that rumours of this kind had been most industriously circulated; but for the very reason that he held opinions hostile to the policy of the present Corn Laws, he was anxious that they should have their full effect, and that they should not be infringed in any way whatever. At the proper time he would move for certain papers, which he believed there would be no objection to grant, and which would show that due attention had been paid to this subject, and that Government was ready to propose effective measures to check the fraud, as soon as Parliament assembled. He had made these observations in order to give the noble Marquess an opportunity of repudiating the statement which had been attributed to him. The Marquess of Chandos whose attention had been directed to the subject, had no hesitation in stating that the report to which the right hon. Gentleman alluded did not contain a correct version of what he had said. At the end of last year his attention had been called to the quantity of corn that had been introduced, duty free, into the country from the Channel Islands, and the Isle of Man; and at a meeting of his constituents he had read a letter, in which it was stated that a number of vessels had been sent from Dantzic, freighted with corn, to the Channel Islands. He had no information on the subject except that contained in the letter. He then stated, that if the case were such as that information led him to suppose it was, such importations must have a considerable effect upon the corn-market at home. He did not, however, impute to the late Government any connivance at these illegal importations. Bill for that purpose, it was owing to the circumstance of the fiscal arrangements of the Isle of Man being in a very anomalous state. He was anxious to see whether some general arrangement could not be made which would apply equally to all the islands. If it had not been for that consideration, he should have introduced a Bill to prevent and stop these fraudulent importations. Mr. Poulett Thomson would ask the right hon. Gentleman one question. Was he to understand that the right hon. Gentleman intended to introduce a Bill to prevent these importations being made, not only from the Isle of Man, but also from the Channel Islands? Mr. Baring said, that it was his intention to include within his Bill all cases of this kind of fraud. It would extend not only to the Isle of Man, but also to the Isle of Guernsey, from the northern part of which the importations had been most frequent. Mr. Baring felt it necessary to rise incon- | still there had been fraud, and it was the sequence of the allusion which the righthon, duty of Parliament to punish and prevent Gentleman opposite had made to certain ob- it. If he had not already introduced a servations which the right hon. Gentleman supposed had fallen from him upon the hustings in Essex. He rather thought that he recollected the occasion to which the right hon. Gentleman alluded. In the course of his canvass in the market at Braintree, where the election for the division of Essex which he represented was held, an elector had said to him, "The worst thing that I have heard about you is, that you are the President of the Board of Free Trade. Now, if you hold that office, how can you be anything but an enemy to the Corn-laws, and to the farmer who is protected by them?" To this he replied, that it was undoubtedly his office to preside over the Board of Trade; that every thing which affected the industry of the country, be it agricultural, commercial, or otherwise, came under his department; that, instead of seeking to injure the agricultural interest, he was anxious to do everything in his power to promote it, and, as an instance of his anxiety, he mentioned that the first question which had come under his consideration upon entering into office, was whether foreign corn had not been imported into the country fraudulently from the Channel Islands. He had never imputed neglect to the right hon. Gentleman, either in that or in any other department. What he had stated was, and the fact had been established beyond all contradiction, that there had been fraudulent importations of foreign corn, duty free, into this country from the Isle of Man and from the Channel Islands. The late Government had instituted an inquiry into the extent of the fraud. He did not know the precise date when that inquiry was instituted; but a Report was made to them on the subject of that inquiry on the 30th of last July, at a period of the Session when it was clearly impossible for the right hon. Gentleman to have introduced and carried any preventive measures through Parliament. That Report would be presented shortly to the House, and his only reason for not having presented it already, was a fear that he might have overlooked other papers which ought to be presented with it. He should certainly feel it his duty to propose some measure on this subject; for though the fraud had not been practised to such an extent as would affect the markets, NORTH AMERICAN BOUNDARY.] Mr. Robinson seeing the right hon. Baronet (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) in his place, begged to embrace the opportunity of asking, whether any progress had been made since the last Session of Parliament in the settlement of the long pending Question of the North American Boundary Line. It The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that it would be a difficult matter to give the hon. Member an answer on the Boundary question in terms as concise as those in which he had couched his query. was one of the most important and complicated Questions with which Government had to deal, as it related to the settling of the limits of the State of Maine on the part of the United States, and of the limits of the province of New Brunswick on the part of his Britannic Majesty. The dispute arose out of a treaty made between the two countries so long ago as the year 1783. By that treaty a line was to be drawn, determining the boundaries of Maine and New Brunswick. Certain high lands were supposed to exist between the waters of the St. Lawrence and the Atlantic, and those high lands were to form the boundaries of the two provinces. But those high lands had never been discovered; |