their wretched mortal existence, and ending it, and no amendment !

As in the former period, so again the exertion for humanity and justice will be encountered and impeded by an old, partial, selfish policy. But we hope that the more liberal notions of commercial policy, which are beginning to prevail, will co-operate with justice and Christian principle to bear down the opposition. But there are other points affecting the policy. Can one million of the black race be long kept in absolute subjection, while in their neighbourhood there are many millions of them who have asserted or obtained liberty, in St. Domingo and the South American republics? And if in their ignorant, barbarous, demoralized state, this great mass should be moved and aided to general revolt, what will then be the fate of their masters and oppressors? Of what kind will be the re-action of uncultivated beings bearing on their bodies, indelibly marked and ploughed, the mementos of their oppressions? And as a consideration for humanity, what would be the consequences to themselves, of such a revolution ?

Add to all this in the last place, the present crisis of the world. A monstrous " league and covenant" has been formed to overwhelm the liberties of all mankind. Our country professes to abhor and protest against this hideous enormity. But what is it that our country meanwhile is doing, but acting on the same principles, with respect to the African race, in the West Indies? Is it that we think the colour of the skin the grand point of distinction between rights and no rights? Suppose the African race to adopt the same rule (they have the same right) with respect to any colonies of white men in their neighbourhood whom they could master? Or do we think we purchase the right to act on an atrocious principle of tyranny at the cheap price of theoretically protesting against it? In this great

crisis of the times, and of liberty, and justice, what a worthy thing it would be for England to give a noble practical demonstration, that here at least is one state which has not only a theory, but a conscience-one, at all events, that is a friend and vindicator of justice and human happiness-that from the most prevailing profession of Christianity, the greatest actual righteousness is inseparable. And if there be a righteous Governor in the world, a presiding and retributive Providence,-what consequences may be expected, to the one course of national conduct or to the other?

May 7th, 1823.

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LECTURE XXXI.

THE REDEMPTION OF TIME.

EPHESIANS v. 16.

Redeeming the time, because the days are evil." WE propose to take these words for use in a plain and general sense, rather than to fix and limit our attention to the precise idea intended. We might, nevertheless, make very good use, in application to our own condition, of the latter part of the sentence-" because the days are evil.” Whether they be not really so, in some respects, we may appeal to sensible experience; whether they be not so in other respects, we may appeal to reflective thought. As to the testimony of experience,-have not men, generally, a strong, habitual, invincible sense, that the days, in their course, are not, to their experience, such as they could desire? Possibly, this is not the case with some gay elastic spirits, in youth, high health, and full prosperity. But, what is the far more common, the general experience, even when there is nothing particularly and extremely grievous ? Is it not a certain sense that the days, as they come and go, might be ever so much happier? that it is hardly with the aspect of friends that they introduce themselves, and that they retire? They lie on the spirit with a certain ungracious weight,—something like a habitual bodily disease, not acutely painful-the direct sense of it sometimes suspended-but with a prevailing consciousness of not being well. "The days are evil." They are felt to be so, on this account, for one thing,-that they are subject to so

many things which are out of men's power,-independent of their will and control. They are liable to have so many untoward things happening in them, which no one can prevent—or even foresee. They seem, in a measure, at the mercy of whatever, and whoever, may be disposed to trouble them; the tempers of men,-the malice of enemies,-the indiscretion of friends,-the perverseness or incompetency of co-operators, the occurrences called pure accidents. At the beginning of a series of days (a month, a week) or of one day, the possibilities of this kind are incalculable. What a Providence there must be over us, that many more of these things do not actually fall upon our days! But still the sense of the constant liability, and the actual occurrence in numerous instances, give a character of evil to the days. Suppose the parallel case of any sort of valuable property (a storehouse or plantation) exposed to inroads, waste, depredation; what an "evil" circumstance it would be as attending that property!

Another point of experience, to the same effect, is,-that the "days" are darkened by spectacles of "evil" especially to persons of much moral and religious sensibility. How long can they look out, and which way, without being met by the grievous and odious spectacles? For example, in our time, what are among the most prominent subjects in each day's intelligence, reading, and talking? A system of Slavery, maintained by a Christian nation, over nearly a million of human beings;-a War, as iniquitous and execrable in principle as ever disgraced the earth, excepting one of pure religious persecution;—a combination of the greatest powers of the earth (Christian too) to crush and destroy all human liberty, both of sentiment and action, and therefore to stop and blast all improvement. And as to the nearer and more ordinary things, the evils less formal, massive, and mountainous in the view,-what sort of mind

would it be, that should have little perception of-should take no impression from,-the irreligion and profaneness, the modes and instances of injustice, the exhibitions of folly, within the sphere of his knowledge and even observation? It were a fine thing, doubtless, to have habitually, such a view of the world, that all this should appear but a slight circumstance in it, throwing but little of shade on the scene, letting it still be gaiety and brightness on the whole. And so it were a fine thing to have a good long night's dream of being in a paradise, all beauty, innocence, and happiness. A finer thing still, to have the faculty of dreaming so, while awake; but this faculty was not given to him who said, "I beheld transgressors, and was grieved." "Rivers of waters run down my eyes, because they keep not thy law." "Hast thou made all men in vain ?"

Once more, in the appeal to experience, that "the days are evil;" men as individuals are forced to feel that their days are affected by the general evils of the times. If there be commotions, wars, public profligacy, public danger, severe burdens, the distresses come on individuals, even if they had no share in the causes. There hardly ever was a more decided expression of general distress of the times than in our days. And think what numbers beyond calculation, of worthy persons in our times have experienced a harassing share of the evils of these times;-their " days" successively invaded by anxiety, difficulty, and grievous apprehension, by the necessity of painful, unremitting exertion,afraid of the next day, the next week; the Lord's day, itself, imperfectly rescued, as by a continual battle with invading thoughts and fears; to "redeem" even that "time" as a day of rest, has been one of the very hardest exertions of the whole week. And, independently of all this, there is to each one, the share, more or less, of the evils of mortal life; the bodily disorders and pains, the cares,