with such of the southern provinces of France as their united forces could subdue. Not only Stanhope, but the British cabinet appear to have been captivated by the disclosure of this plausible scheme, and great hopes were entertained of drawing considerable advantage from the defection of the duke of Orleans, who was beloved by his army. But Marlborough viewed the negotiation with less sanguine eyes, and considered the attempt as made by the connivance of Louis, to create dissensions with the courts of Barcelona and Vienna. He observes, in a letter to Godol

phin, dated Jan. 23.,

"I send over by this opportunity an officer that is sent express from Mr. Stanhope. His letter to Lord Sunderland will inform you as to what has passed with the duke of Orleans. He desires my opinion, which I am fearful of giving in a matter of this consequence. But I really believe the duke of Orleans would not act this part, but that he has the king of France's permission."

To General Stanhope.

"Jan. 26.—I read and forwarded your letter to the earl of Sunderland, and do entirely agree with your sentiments in that matter. I am persuaded the duke of Orleans could never venture so far without direction from court, the rather, for that by what I have heard from other parts, the king of France begins to despair of being able to keep his grandson on the throne. However, it is a matter of such consequence, that I dare give no opinion of my own in it; but I hope you will soon be instructed from England how far you may proceed."

The event justified his sagacity; for the design being either purposely or accidentally disclosed to the court of Madrid, the clandestine intercourse was suspended, and Louis himself interfered to soothe the resentment which Philip conceived at what he considered as an insidious attempt to deprive him of his crown.*

In Italy the event of the campaign was far from corresponding with the heavy charges incurred by the allies, and the expectations conceived from the prowess and spirit of Victor Amadeus, duke of Savoy. Satisfied with having

*Letter from General Stanhope to the earl of Sunderland, Nov. 11. 1708; Memoirs of the Bourbon Kings of Spain, ch. xvi.; Memoires de St. Simon, who has given an interesting account of the conversations which passed between Louis and the duke of Orleans on this mysterious subject, t. v. p. 11.; Instructions from Lord Sunderland to Genera. Stanhope, Dec. 10.

recovered his dominions, he was principally anxious for his own security and personal aggrandisement, and seized every opportunity to start objections against any distant or offensive enterprise. At the opening of the spring, he refused to act, till the court of Vienna had conferred on him the investiture of part of the Montferrat, which had been promised him by the treaty of 1703; and when the influence of Marlborough had procured the accomplishment of his wishes, he availed himself of the tardiness of the German reinforcements, to invent new pretexts for delay.

At length the arrival of the Austrian general, Daun, with a considerable corps of troops, left him no further excuse; and he yielded to the importunities of the British court, in taking the field. With a force of 35,000 men he scaled Mont Cenis and the Little St. Bernard, as if with a design to penetrate into Savoy. Having by this manœuvre drawn the attention of his antagonist, Marshal Villars, to the side of Fort Barreaux, he suddenly invested the small forts of Exilles and Perusa. Villars could not arrive in time to obstruct his operations, and the fall of these places, which held out only a few days, was followed by the investment of the more important fortress of Fenestrelles, where the French had erected a strong citadel after the destruction of Pignerol. The siege of this place detained him till the end of August, when the fall of the autumnal snows precluded all farther operations. Both parties then retired to their quarters, and the only fruit of the campaign was the possession of the passes leading across the Alps, which was not likely to produce any other advantage than an additional security to Piedmont. This irruption also incidentally caused a diversion in favour of the allies in Spain, by obliging the French to reduce their army in Roussillon, for the purpose of strengthening that in Dauphiné, under Marshal Villars.

Another contention contributed to weaken the army in Italy, and to disappoint the hopes conceived of the operations in that quarter. From the commencement of the contest for the Spanish succession, Clement XI., the reigning pope, had manifested a decided partiality towards the Bourbon cause, and consequently equal hostility towards that of Austria. This conduct led to jealousies and irritation on both sides, until Clement publicly provoked the emperor, by

excommunicating the Germans for exacting contributions in the duchy of Parma. Joseph repelling this insult by asserting his sovereign rights over all the cities of Italy, the pope was urged, by the instigation and promises of the French, to recur to temporal arms in aid of his spiritual pretensions. He raised troops, opened the treasures of St. Angelo, made preparations for war, and endeavoured to form a new holy league among the states of Italy. But his impotent resentment was soon foiled. The emperor was not of a temper to be alarmed by the thunders of the Vatican; and the German troops had no sooner recrossed the Alps into Piedmont, than Marshal Daun marched with a corps towards the ecclesiastical state. The hasty levies of the church were speedily dissipated, Commacchio was captured, Ferrara besieged, and Bologna threatened, while a corps of Austrians from Naples advanced to menace the opposite frontier, and the combined fleet, which had recently subjugated Minorca, blockaded the principal ports of the ecclesiastical state. During these contentions, Marlborough laboured to prevent a war, which was likely to spread through Italy, and divert the attention and efforts of the allies from the French frontier. In his correspondence with the Austrian ministers, we find him labouring to extenuate the conduct of the pope, and soothe the resentment of the emperor. He had at length the satisfaction to succeed in mediating an accommodation, though he could not restore cordiality. The emperor accepted an apology, and the pope agreed to refer the existing disputes to arbitration, to give Charles the title of king, to reduce his force 5000 men, to grant the imperialists quarters, and a free passage through his territories, and to leave Commacchio in the possession of an imperial garrison, till all arrangements were completed.

From our narrative of military operations in the Netherlands at the commencement of the campaign, the reader will doubtless have anticipated a series of bickerings with the elector of Hanover. A prince who was ambitious of military fame, and who valued himself on his splendid prospects and personal influence, must have possessed an unusual portion of generosity and moderation, to witness, without displeasure, glories in which he was not permitted to share. He could not so far repress his feelings as to appreciate the

necessity of that profound silence which Marlborough and Eugene had maintained on the intended junction of their two armies; and, therefore, he resented their prudent reserve as unjust and disrespectful towards himself. This feeling operated with double force when he compared his own limited sphere of action with the brilliant career which the two generals, whom he regarded as foreigners, had opened in a quarter more exposed to observation; and every success which marked their progress contributed to aggravate his disappointment and sharpen his chagrin. His discontent was increased by the jealousies which prevailed between the courts of England and Hanover, and particularly by the lukewarmness which the resentment of Anne obliged her ministers to maintain towards his family. These feelings were inflamed by the insinuations of the party agents, who were privately deputed to Hanover, to increase the odium fostered against the general and the treasurer. Hence, though at the head of an army amounting to 30,000 men, and superior to that of the enemy, the elector sullenly refused to act offensively, and coldly looked on while detachment after detachment was drawn from the Rhine, to swell the French force in the Netherlands. Hence the campaign in Germany was distinguished by no event of importance; and after wasting the season in mere camp details, the elector quitted the scene of action with the same sullenness and discontent which he had manifested at the commencement and during its progress.

The indications of displeasure which escaped from the elector were described by Mr. Howe, who attended him as British agent, in mysterious, and often exaggerated terms, and made a deep impression on the sensitive mina of the British commander. In transmitting one of these accounts to Godolphin, he observes:

"Mr. Cardonel having shown me Mr, Howe's letter, I could not omit sending it to you; but I should think it should be communicated only to the queen, for if Mr. Howe be not mistaken, their behaviour is very extraordinary, and very wrong, I think, for their own interest. But passion is very capable of making men blind."

On the other hand, Godolphin laboured to soothe the dissatisfaction of his friend by arguments which do credit to his moderation and sound sense.

66

Sept. 29.-Oct. 10. As to the elector of Hanover, I agree that what you say of his conduct is certainly true, and yet I am of opinion that Mr. Freeman should endeavour to manage him, if possibly he can; for I can plainly see, by what Lord Sunderland throws out upon some occasions, and also by other ways, that the elector's ill-humour and uneasiness is fomented from hence by some of both sides; and he is told that he has been very ill used by you as well as by Prince Eugene, in not leaving him a stock sufficient to carry on the trade in those parts to advantage, Now, though nothing of this be really true, yet we must allow a little for impressions, which people here are inclined to believe, whether they be true or not true. My only fear is that people may take a handle from hence to do ill offices to you in England."

“Dec. 6-17.— As to the letter you send me from Mr. Howe, I think it is so little fit to be shown to any body, that I am not inclined to show it even to the queen, who is but too apt to take prejudices to that court; and I doubt Mr. Howe is so too."

CHAP. LXXV. - TRIUMPH OF THE WHIGS.-1708.

DURING the stay of the British general in the camp of Rousselaer, he was visited by Mr. Craggs, who was deputed on the part of Godolphin and the Whigs to describe the state of political affairs in England, and to propose those arrangements which could not be accomplished by a less direct communication. From the period of his departure, the letters of Marlborough contain less reference to domestic transactions, either because the vigilance of the enemy obstructed his epistolary intercourse, or because a definitive plan of conduct was already concerted. On his return, however, to the Hague, his correspondence with his friends in England resumed its usual character and interest.

Notwithstanding the communications conveyed through the channel of Mr. Craggs, the former difficulties recurred with double force. The impatience of the Whigs increased at the obstacles which obstructed their admission to power; and they even turned their resentment against the two ministers who had so long and fruitlessly endeavoured to promote their cause. Lord Somers, laying aside his natural reserve,

* An equivocal expression adopted to signify an army, in order to conceal the cipher more effectually.