Hon. Philip Yorke to Horace Walpole-Battle of Fontenoy. Sir James them their instruments and medical apparatus. Campbell died in their hands the next day. Doctor Wintringham was sent to visit him by the Duke, and found him lying in a cottage, within the enemy's quarters, who had not been humane enough to give him any assistance. This has occasioned a pretty warm expostulation between the Duke and Marshal Saxe, who denies knowing or authorizing the behavior of their irregular troops at Bruffoel; but, by way of recrimination, accuses us of having first violated the cartel by detaining Belleisle. The orders which the States have despatched for their corps de reserve to join the army, and for trying the delinquents, alleviate the clamor which would otherwise be raised against them on account of the bad behavior of several regiments, both horse and foot, in their service. One Appias, Colonel commandant of the regiment of Hesse Homburg, rode off upon the spur to Ath, with the greatest part of his men, in the very beginning of the action, and, with an impudent folly equal to his cowardice, wrote from thence to his masters, that the allied army had engaged the French, and been totally cut to pieces, except that part which he had prudently brought off safe. I hope, after the loss of so much gallant blood, exemplary justice will be done upon the guilty. Lord Chesterfield returned last Saturday from Holland, and looks much better in his health than when he left us; eating, negotiating, and the fat air of the country agree with him. He has concluded a treaty regulating the contingents of force and expense for this campaign. I wish it could have been for the whole war. The States agree to bring 52,000 men into the field (including their corps on the Lower Rhine) to our 40,000. Hon. Philip Yorke to Horace Walpole-Battle of Fontenoy. In sieges they are to furnish one-third, and we the rest. The expense of the land carriage of artillery is to be borne by the government in Flanders. I take it for granted they could be brought to no more, though it is a most unaccountable thing that we should be at so much trouble to persuade them into what is absolutely requisite, for their own security and independence. Have you seen my Lord's speech at taking leave? It is quite calculated for the language it is writ in, and makes but an indifferent figure in English. The thoughts are common, and yet he strains hard to give them an air of novelty, and the quaintness of the expression is quite à la Francaise. You may observe it is intended to steer wide of the alert, and military, and invective turn which reigns through Lord Stair's harangue, and so far was prudent. Besides the three regiments of Mordaunt, Rice, and Handasyde, there is a draft of 540 men, fifteen per company, made out of the Guards, which embarked on Sunday for Flanders. With these reënforcements, and what the Dutch are sending, we hope to look the enemy once more in the face; and if Tournay does but hold out, some attempt will be made, either by diversion or attack, to raise the siege. Martin is returned as usual, re infecta. People imagined he was gone to the Leeward Islands in search of Caylus, who threatens to invade Nevis and St. Kitts, where I doubt we are weak. There is an expectation that the Elector of Cologne will join his troops to D'Aremberg. If he does, and Bathiany's come down to the Rhine, we trust Monsieur le Prince must leave the coast clear, and that Smessart's corps at least may be detached for Flanders. You see, sir, we follow the Roman ne cede malis sed contra audentior ito, and really people are less dispirited with William Strahan to David Hume-Wilkes, and the Middlesex Elections. this than I expected, and full of encomiums on the gallant spirit which has shown itself in our officers and private men. And now, sir, I must heartily beg your pardon for this long letter-I should rather call it despatch. This I promise you, not to trouble you with one so long in haste, for I am naturally a lazy correspondent; but when the scribbling fit is upon me, it is as difficult to leave off, as it was uneasy to begin. One question let me put to you, and then I have done. Why are you quite immersed in re rustica? Put your papers in order, write some memoirs for the instruction of your friends, or if you will, posterity, of your own negotiations and Lord Oxford's ministry. Methinks I should be loath to go down to future times, either portrayed with all the features of deformity which Lord Bolingbroke's pen can give, or what is as bad, daubed over with the sign-post coloring of the Gazetteers. But I run on insensibly, and you will excuse my freedom as the strongest proof that I can give you of the regard wherewith I am, etc., P. YORKE. X.-WILKES, AND THE MIDDLESEX ELECTIONS.* William Strahan to David Hume. Mr. Wilkes (the hero of our tale) LONDON, April 1st, 1768. made his appearance intention to surrender here some weeks ago, gave notice of his himself at the bar of the King's Bench next term, and walked * The memorable transactions growing out of the imprisonment of Wilkes, and which made him a popular hero, terminated in securing to the British subject a most valuable muniment of liberty. Lord Halifax, one of the Secretaries of State, issued a roving commission, directing his messengers to search for the authors, printers, and publishers of No. 45 of the "North Briton; to apprehend and seize them, together with their papers, and to bring them in William Strahan to David Hume-Wilkes, and the Middlesex Elections. the streets as publicly as he could well do, to evade the attempts of his private creditors to secure him. When the election for the city drew near, he, an outlaw and a beggar, without a shilling in his pocket, offered himself as a candidate; and, contrary to all expectation, a spirit was quickly infused into the lowest class of people, which must have ensured him success, had the livery of London been composed in any great measure of such. The appearance for him at Guildhall on the day of election was considerable, not of livery-men, however, but of real mob. I was there upon the hustings and very near the candidates, so that I distinctly heard every word that was spoken. Wilkes' address (which you must have read in the papers) was delivered with more coolness and presence of mind than could have been expected, from one who was acting so bold a part. Harley, the Lord Mayor, spoke last and best. He said he did not stand up to make apologies for his conduct in Parliament, because he was not conscious it needed any; that no man safe custody before him. Under this warrant no less than forty-nine persons were arrested on suspicion in three days; many as innocent as Lord Halifax himself. The messengers at length discovered that Wilkes was the culprit of whom they were in search, and received verbal directions to arrest him under the general warrant. Wilkes refused to obey, declaring it " a ridiculous warrant against the whole English nation." The messengers, after removing him, ransacked his drawers, and carried off all his private papers. He was committed as a close prisoner to the Tower, from which, by reason of his privilege as a member of the House of Commons, he was shortly released on habeas corpus. Actions were brought against the messengers and the Secretaries of State, and notwithstanding obstinate and vexatious resistance by the Government, heavy damages were recovered. The illegality of general warrants was affirmed in the strongest terms from the Bench, and afterwards in declaratory resolutions by the House of Commons. For fuller history of this case, the reader is referred to the recent and valuable "Constitutional History of England," by J. E. May.—H. William Strahan to David Hume-Wilkes, and the Middlesex Elections. was a firmer friend to liberty, or would go farther in its defence than himself, but he was for liberty bounded by law, the only basis of true liberty; that in the high office he had now the honor to hold, it behoved him above all things to attend to the preservation of the public peace of the city; he therefore begged that, in their choice of representatives, they would put him entirely out of the question, and fix upon those whom they thought best able to discharge so important a trust. Upon holding up of hands the choice fell upon Mr. Wilkes to be one; but onefourth of those in the hall were not of the livery. From that moment his consequence began, though the poll ended against him; and yet greatly beyond what was expected. During its continuance he appeared every day on the hustings, though he was more than once arrested there, at the instance of his private creditors. But he found bail for his appearance, braved it out to the last, and was attended by a considerable mob every day. When he found the poll going against him, he publicly gave out he would stand for Middlesex. There he was likely to stand a better chance. An incredible number of petty freeholders of that county, from Wapping and its environs, immediately declared for him; and, on the day of election, he carried it with ease, and with very little disturbance at Brentford, though the whole road thither was lined with mob, who insulted every one who would not join in the cry of Wilkes and liberty. This success immediately reached London, and occasioned such an intoxication in the mob-men, women, and children—that they spread themselves from Hyde Park Corner to Wapping, and broke everybody's windows who refused to illuminate their houses; among the rest, those of the mansion-house of the Lord Mayor, who happened that night to sleep in the country, were quite de |