Notwithstanding the eloquent efforts of Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox on the other side, which flashed conviction throughout the whole extent of the kingdom, we find Mr. Addington `persevering in his opinions. When Mr. Dundas, on Friday April 27, 1792, moved the order of the day, which was for the House to resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House, to consider of the further means for the abolition of the slave trade, this was granted, and Mr. Beaufoy was called to the chair. The first resolution was then read, viz. "That it is the opinion of this Committce, that it shall not be lawful to import any African any British colonics or plantations in negroes into ships owned or navigated by British subjects, at any time after the 1st of January 1800." After Mr. Hobart and Lord Mornington had delivered their opinions, the Speaker rose, and began by observing, that " having, in a late debate on the subject, voted that the slave trade ought to be gradually abolished, he thought it his duty to State to the Committee the ideas he entertained on the mode of carrying that resolution into effect.

"The interval between the resolution, that the

animated speech, reprobated the suggestions of Mr. Dundas and Mr. Addington, pronouncing what had fallen from them to be the most formidable and alarming opposition that had yet been. offered to the important question of the abolition of the slave trade. He arose, therefore, with an anxious desire to relieve the painful sensations of his mind, and to do away the deceptions and delusions that were endeavoured, not intentionally he believed, to be set before the eyes of the public, to misguide and mislead their judgment, and the judgment of that House," &c.

trade

trade be abolished, and the period at which the abolition would take place, he admitted to be a most dreadful interval. He had, Mr. Addington declared, stated the trade to be abandoned; and he begged to remind the Committee, and he implored them to consider the circumstance, that he never had mentioned one word as to the justice of the trade; but he had merely noticed the justice of those claims that might be made by the persons who would be affected by its abolition. If the interests of the planters were abandoned, the abolition of the slave trade, he was convinced, would never be effected. How was it possible, he asked, when the means of population were taken away, to supply the deficiency? How could they fill the chasm that they created? What he had stated, Mr. Addington declared, was the result of his real sentiments, of his real opinion. In certain conditions of society there were, he observed, combinations of justice, of policy, of humanity, and of interest, that rendered it almost impossible to look to the ultimatum, or he should rather say the maximum, of one, without counteracting that of the other; the question was not, he said, between blood and gold, nor between what now actually was, and what might be hereafter, but it was whether an immediate or a gradual abolition would best effect the object the Committee had in view for his part, he thought that object too would be most safely and certainly attained, by protracting the period of abolition; and therefore he wished

1801-2.

C

1796

796 were the year proposed, instead of that con tained in the amendment.

"On a former night his right honourable friend had argued from calculations, that, for three or four years past, the old islands had no occasion for further importation; but their not importing in that time might be accounted for from being unfortunate in their crops (as was the fact), and the increased price of negrocs. It could not be argued, that they had no want of negroes, from their inability to purchase. Neither could the statements of death be relied on for it might be supposed that the planters represented the mortality as less than it really was, from the desire of obviating the charges of cruelty brought against them.

"Mr. Addington took notice of the West India and ceded islands, and used a variety of arguments to maintain his proposition, and urged, in particular, the danger liable to the mortgagees and others concerned in those islands. He declared that he perfectly agreed with Mr. Burke's opinion, as to the good effect that must arise from the public places of worship, and he strongly recommended that mode of civilization as one of the most efficacious and certain methods to reform the negroes.

"From these considerations he should oppose the present motion, but, if the period were extended to the 1st of January 1796, and the trade left open from that time, and free from all restriction, he should acquiesce in it.

"For

For the sake of Africa itself, he should also wish the abolition to be gradual, that the natives of that country might not lose all traffic, until they became a little more civilized, and fit for commerce of another kind."

While Mr. Addington was distinguishing himself in the Speaker's chair, by the impartiality with which he regulated the debates, and the order and decorum with which he conducted the public business, an event no less sudden than extraordinary occurred, which produced a very material change in his situation. The event to which we now allude, was the resignation of Mr. Pitt and his colleagues, a measure of a very ambiguous nature, and which has never yet been sufficiently explained. While all men were anxious to know who was to be the new minister, 1 the public learned, with some degree of surprise, that Mr. Addington had been sent for by the King, and held daily conferences with his Majesty. This business was at first conducted with some degree of mystery, one of the royal family having lent his equipage, in order, if possible, to conceal the negotiation from the prying eye of curiosity. But this was of no avail, for it was soon rumoured abroad, and was not upon the whole unfavourably received, as Mr. Pitt's administration had of late years been supported by the fears rather than the love of the people.

*

The King's second alarming illness for a while pro

The Duke of Kent.

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tracted

tracted the retreat of the then Chancellor of the Exchequer; but, on his Majesty's convalescence, all the necessary arrangements were made, and every thing adjusted seemingly to the entire satisfaction of those who went out, as well as those who came in.

Mr. Addington having thus leaped from the Speaker's Chair to the Treasury Bench, the eyes of the whole nation became fixed upon him. It was hoped that, after a bloody and expensive war, some sincere and decisive measures would be taken in order to produce a peace; and it must be allowed, that the conduct of the new premier, in this instance, has given greater satisfaction, by its openness and candour, than the haughty behaviour of his predecessors.

Mr. Addington, however, by his vindication of the late administration, has in some measure affiliated himself to it, and become accountable for its errors and misconduct. The suspension of the Habeas Corpus act; the feeble cry of a of a conspiracy; the production of sealed bags of papers; the continuance of martial law in Ireland, and of the system of secret imprisonment in England, have perhaps nipped his popularity in the bud, and are thought by many to savour too much of the old school. On the other hand, it must be allowed, that he has entered upon office at a time, and in circumstances peculiarly critical. Supported as he is by the royal favour and confidence, Mr. Pitt's power is still considered as paramount, and the mutes attached to the person of

the