year 300 to 425, and he had witnessed much of what he described. But of his works nothing remains, except an epitome by Photius, and some fragments. Photius assures us that he betrayed great partiality for the sect to which he belonged, and this may have been so; yet such is the narrative which we would willingly confront with the probable misrepresentations of his adversaries.

We have also referred to the authorities of Epiphanius, Hilary, and Rufinus, but have been very sparing in our use of them. Epiphanius was bred a monk, and became Bishop of Salamis, in Cyprus. He was the author of a voluminous book against all the heresies which had hitherto arisen. But his work is disfigured by so many marks of levity and ignorance, that we can follow him with no general confidence. Hilary was Bishop of Poictiers, for the most part a copyist of Tertullian and Origen, but celebrated for Twelve Books concerning the Trinity,' writter against the Arians. Rufinus was a Presbyter of Aquileia, a translator, and not always a faithful one, of Origen and other Greek writers. He was engaged in a violent contest with St. Jerome, and was assailed by the virulence of that intemperate writer; and he had the additional misfortune of being excommunicated by Anastasius, the Bishop of Rome, for his attachment to the opinions of Origen. These three writers belong to the fourth century. Jortin, H. E., b. ii., p. ii., p. 96.

CHAPTER VIII.

The Decline and Fall of Paganism.

Condition of the two Religions on the accession of Constantine-Progress of Christianity during his reign-His successive measures against Paganism—Remarks on them-Proceedings of his sonsAccession of Julian-Reasons given for his Apostacy-His enthusiasm for Paganism-his character compared with that of M. Antoninus-his policy contrasted with that of Constantine-his successive measures against Christianity-His attempts to reform Paganism-directed to three pointshis attack on the truth of Christianity-in the attempt to rebuild the Temple of Jerusalem-defeated -by what means-whether miraculous or not-examination of a late opinion-His death. Rapid decline of Paganism-Valentinian I.-Gratian.-Theodosius I.—his edict against Paganism-extremely effectual. Imperfect faith of many of the Converts-corruptions introduced from Paganism. Synesius. Arcadius and Honorius-abolition of Gladiatorial Games. Theodosius II. -subversion of Paganism-in the East-in the West. Note on certain Pagan writers.

FROM the dissensions of Christians, and the calamities occasioned by them, we turn to a more pleasing subject—the final triumph of the Faith over the superstition which had heretofore prevailed throughout the Roman empire; and in proceeding to this investigation, that which first strikes us as most remarkable is, that the very period during which the Christian world was most widely and angrily divided by the Arian controversy, the middle and conclusion of the fourth century, was that precisely during which the Religion, as if invigorated by internal agitation, overthrew her most powerful adversary-a circumstance which is the more to be remarked, as strongly indicative of her own heavenly energy, because the spectacle of Christian dissension has afforded to infidels in every age, as it does at this moment, the most plausible argument for unbelief. Let us endeavour then to trace the measures by which this extraordinary revolution was brought about.

At the accession of Constantine, the Christians, though very numerous, formed no doubt the smaller portion of his subjects, since the multitude,

who were, in fact, of no religion, were accounted among the votaries of paganism; and among the lower classes, the parade of a splendid superstition was more attractive than the simplicity of the true worship, to persons both ignorant and incurious about the truth of either; while in many others, a latent inclination towards the new religion would be repressed by the sight of the worldly afflictions which so frequently pursued it. The conversion of the Emperor was naturally followed by a great increase in the number of nominal* Christians; the faith of many, who were nearly indifferent, would be decided by that event; and many also, of more serious minds, would thus be led to examine with respect the nature of the religion which in its adversity they had contemptuously neglected. Honour and emoluments were annexed to the dignities of the Church, which were thus made objects of ambition to the noble and the learned; and since many, through the exercise of the religion, would gradually imbibe those sentiments and principles of piety, which they had not perhaps carried into it, we may believe that, while the name of Christianity was rapidly extended over the Roman world, its essential doctrines and moral influence made a considerable, though by no means an equal, progress.

Constantine's first measure was the famous edict of universal toleration,

which established Christianity without molesting any other Constantine. religion, and as late as the year 321 he published a proclamation favourable to the maintenance of one of the grossest impostures of paganism, the art of divination. Until this period, and perhaps for some few years longer, he held with tolerably equal hand the balance of the two religions †, and in the rivalry thus established between them Christianity was daily gaining some weight at the expense of its opponent. This crisis was, indeed, of short duration, and the attentive eye of the Emperor immediately perceived to which side the victory was inclining. It was then that he threw into the preponderating scale the decisive addition of his civil authority. In the year 333 he began to overthrow the temples and idols of the Gentiles, and to invade their property; he suppressed some of the writings most hostile to Christianity, and proclaimed his opposition to the sacred rites of paganism. He condemned them as detrimental to the State; and whatever may have been the sincerity of his faith, he was at least convinced that forms of worship so contrary to each other in all their principles could not long co-exist in the same empire, and he gave his support to that which most conduced to the virtue and happiness of his subjects.

The sons of Constantine followed their father's footsteps. During the Arian rule of Constantius the severity of the laws against Paganism was rather increased than relaxed, and sacrifice, together with idolatrous worship, was visited by capital punishment. This system lasted until his

* See a note on Dr. Arnold's seventh Sermon, p. 88.

In book iii. of Eusebius's Life of Constantine, the 44th and 45th chapters mention some prohibitions against sacrifice and idol-worship, addressed first to Pagan Magistrates, and then to the people; but in his prayer, or doxology, published in the 55th and following chapters, he accords alike both to believers and those in error the enjoyment of peace and tranquillity; as such friendly communion has most tendency to lead men into the straight path.'

Semler, tab. sec. quarti, on author. of Julian, Orat. 7. Mosheim (cent. iv., p. i., c. i.) dates the exertions of Constantine from the overthrow of Licinius. See Euseb. Vit. Const. lib. iv. c. 23, 25, &c. Fleury (lib. xi., sect. 33) assigns the destruction of the Temples of Venus, in Syria, and of Esculapius and Apollo, in Cilicia, to the year which followed the Council of Nice. See Euseb. Vit. Const., lib. iii., chap. 54; and Sozomen, Hist. Eccl., lib. ii., c. 5.

death; so that, for a space of about thirty years, the antient superstition was restrained by perpetual discouragement, and afflicted with frequent persecution. The number of its followers was thus considerably reduced: but the triumph was not yet complete, and many were there still in every province of the empire, who hailed the accession of Julian.

Julian, who is commonly mentioned in history by the name of Apostate, was the nephew of the great Constantine; he abandoned in early youth the faith in which he had been educated, and betook himself Julian. with great zeal to the practice of paganism. The motive to which this change is usually attributed, is the hatred which he indulged towards the name and sons of Constantine, owing to the cruelties which they had inflicted on his family; hatred which a young and impetuous disposition might easily extend to their religion. Another reason alleged is, that when he saw the dissensions of the Christians, and their rancour against each other, his faith was perplexed; he found it hard to distinguish the excellence of the religion from the vices of those who professed it, and was unable to prevent his judgment from being blinded by his indignation. Both of them may be true; for it is clear from some parts of his subsequent conduct, that his enmity to Christianity was founded on passion more than on reason, and his hatred of the faith is more prominent than his disbelief of it*. Hence it is, that, having renounced one religion, he flew with ardour to the exercise of the other, and sought its aid and alliance against the common adversary. This enthusiasm for paganism carried him into some ridiculous excesses. It is true that the affection which he professed for processions and ceremony, and the profuse splendour of his sacrifices, may have proceeded from a wish to seduce and allure the vulgar; but his private devotion to magical rites and the practice of divination, in which his sincerity is not doubted, has no such excuse, and could only have proceeded from an irregular and superstitious mind. And yet to this weakness he united many extraordinary qualities- he was eloquent and liberal, artful, insinuating and indefatigable; which, joined to a severe temperance, an affected love of justicet, and a courage superior to all trials, first gained him the affections, and soon after the peaceable possession of the whole empire.' A strong attachment to literature distinguished his character, and may have tended to nourish his heathen prejudices; and the passion for glory which sometimes misled him was probably the strongest among his passions, and his leading motive of action.

If we compare the character of Julian with that of the other great enemy of the religion, Marcus Antoninus, we shall find all the advantages of a thoughtful, consistent, and sober understanding on the side of the latter. His conduct was invariably guided by his principles, and his principles were the best "which heathen philosophy could suggest to him. His knowledge of Christianity was too partial, and the power of its professors too inconsiderable, to command his belief or respect; and he was too deeply sensible of the absurdities of paganism to feel any regard for that worship; so that he was contented rigorously, but not intemperately, to maintain that which happened to be the established religion. But Julian had more of passion than philosophy in his constitution and in his principles; and even his philosophy (that of the new Academy) tended

* See note at the end of the chapter.

The passage is quoted from Warburton; but we have no reason to question the sincerity of that principle in Julian, though it was sometimes, overpowered by his religious antipathy.

much more to speculation than to practice. Indifference, to which his temperament would never have led him, was precluded by the situation of the empire. Impetuous, and restless, and fearless, he converted into love for the one religion that which at first was only hatred for the other, and he proceeded daringly to accomplish what he ardently projected; yet his daring was tempered by so much address and knowledge, that it was not far removed from consummate prudence.

But if we had space for such disquisitions, a more interesting and perhaps more profitable contrast might be drawn between the situation and conduct of Julian and of Constantine. Both arrived at the possession of unlimited power, through great difficulties, chiefly by means of their personal talents and popularity; both, on arriving at the throne, found the religion of the state different from their own, and followed by the majority of their subjects; and both determined to substitute that which himself professed. The grand difference was this-the religion of Constantine. (we may be permitted for one moment to treat the subject merely politically) was young and progressive; it stood on principles which proved its excellence, and ensured its durability; the only weakness which it acknowledged was that of immaturity. The religion of Julian had long been held in derision by all reasonable men; its energy had long passed away from it, and its feebleness was the decrepitude of old age. So that the one led on to certain victory an aspiring assailant; the other endeavoured to rally a shattered, undisciplined, dispirited fugitive.

Let us next examine the manner in which Julian proceeded to the accomplishment of his hopeless enterprise. His first step was in direct imitation of the first act of Constantine. He published edicts which established the religion of the Emperor as that of the state, and which tolerated every other. By such decrees he placed Christianity in a very similar situation to that in which, about fifty years before, his uncle had placed paganism; and he further increased this resemblance by inviting the most eminent philosophers to his court, admitting them to his confidence, and raising them to the highest dignities and offices in their religion. His second step was the natural consequence of the first; he took away the immunities, honours, and revenues, which had been bestowed on the Christian clergy, and tranferred them to the service of the established religion and though great individual injustice was thus perpetrated, no one can reasonably complain of the principle of this transfer, since such advantages are necessarily conferred by the state on those who profess the religion of the state. His first edicts, while they restored to Pagans their civil rights, do not appear to have violated those of the Christians: but by a subsequent regulation he disqualified the Christian laity from office in the state. This measure was attended by another, founded on a deeper principle, and of much more dangerous consequence-he forbade any Christian to lecture in the public schools of science or literature; and this prohibition not only obliged the Christian youth to have recourse to Pagan instructors, but also deprived them of one of the greatest encouragements to proficiency. Julian was sufficiently instructed in the nature of his project, to perceive that it would be of little avail to oppress the dissentients by vexatious restraints, unless at the same time he could degrade them by ignorance*. His last measure (for which we have the

A contemporary Christian writer (Gregory Nazianzen) tells us of another method adopted by Julian in order to bring the religion into disrepute, which proves how low his nmity was contented to descend, for the sake of inflicting one additional and ignoble

authority of the historian Socrates) was the direct imposition of a tax on all who refused to sacrifice to the Gods of the Empire.

Considering that the reign of Julian lasted not two years, we must admit that, while he developed a perfect knowledge of the theory of persecution, he made very rapid progress in the practice of it; and had he been suffered by Providence much longer to persist in his aggression, with proportionate increase of severity, it is probable that the final triumph of Christianity would not otherwise have been achieved than by the means of a religious war. But the provinces of the civilized world were saved from that severest infliction by the death of the Emperor.

Reform of
Paganism.

As Julian was either too sincere a religionist, or at least too wise a politician, to wish to deprive his subjects of all religion, he accompanied his labours for the subversion of Christianity by some judicious attempts to render paganism more durable; but this scheme could scarcely have hoped for any great success, even had it been undertaken at an earlier period, when the vices of that religion had been less openly exposed and acknowledged; when its shrines were less generally deserted; and when the mere moral superiority of its rival was less manifestly and notoriously exhibited. He appears to have directed his exertions to three points,-viz.: 1. To conceal or disguise the absurdity of its origin and nature by moral and philosophical allegories; 2. To establish ecclesiastical discipline and policy on the model of the Christian church; 3. To correct the morals of the priesthood.

For the first of these purposes he found materials already provided by the philosophers of his own sect, the Platonists; who had been employed, especially since the appearance of Christianity, in refining the theology of paganism. In pursuance of the second, he planned an establishment for readers in that theology; for the order and parts of the divine office; for a regular and formal service, with days and hours of worship; and with respect to the third, he enjoined to the priesthood, (whom he seemingly would have established as a separate order,) as well as to their household, great severity of personal behaviour, and strictly to withhold themselves from all vulgar amusements and ignoble professions. While he imitated the discipline of the Church he was willing also to emulate her moral excellencies; and therefore he decreed the foundation of hospitals and other charitable institutions, and particularly recommended to the ministers of religion the virtues of charity and benevolence. He did not live to complete, or probably to mature, these designs; but the above sketch is sufficient to prove the extent of the beneficial influence which Christianity had already exerted, even over those who were not persuaded of its truth; and to show that the only art by which its formidable adversary could affect to supplant it, was by an ungraceful endeavour to resemble it.

Attempt to rebuild the Temple of Jerusalem.

But Julian, with all his authority and address, could scarcely hope to substitute that which was known to be a shadow for that which was believed to be real and substantial. It therefore became necessary for his design to overthrow the foundations on which Christianity rested, or at least to disclose their weakness. One of the most important and influential of these was the accomplishment of so many ancient prophecies, tending, as it were, to a common centre, to the establish

wound. He commanded by edict (voμosrras) that Christians should no longer be called Christians, but Galileans. There was some art in this attack; for the value of a name, which is every where of some influence, has especial importance among orientals.