Olave, the object of his mission. The King replied-'I would willingly consent to your desire, but I can accord nothing until I have consulted our gods by the lot, and till I know the will of the people, who have more influence in public affairs than I have.' Olef first consulted his nobles, and, after the customary probation by lot, the gods were ascertained to be favourable to the proposal. The General Assembly of the people was then convoked; and the King caused a herald to proclaim the object of the imperial embassy. The people murmured loudly; and while they were yet divided in their opinions as to the reception of the religion of Christ, an old man rose up among them and said King and people! listen to me. We are already acquainted with the service of that God, and he has been found of great assistance to those who invoke him. There are many among us who have experienced it in perils by sea and on other occasions; why, then, should we reject Him? Formerly there were some who travelled to Dorstadt for the sake of embracing that religion of which they well knew the utility: why, then, should we now refuse that blessing, when it is here proposed and presented to us?' The people were convinced by this discourse, and unanimously consented to the establishment of the Christian religion, and the residence of its ministers among them. Anscarius died ten years afterwards; and the footsteps which he had traced in that rude soil were greatly defaced during the following century, though it is too much to assert that they were wholly obliterated. t Some exertions were made for the conversion of the Sclavonians about the middle of the ninth age; but that event was not finally Russia, Poland accomplished until the conquest of Bohemia by Otho, in and Hungary. the year 950. In the same manner Basil, the Emperor of the East, in conjunction with his Patriarch Ignatius, endeavoured to introduce into the heart of Russia the knowledge of the Gospel. An Archbishop was purposely ordained and sent on that mission; and a miracle, which was performed in the presence of the prince and his people, obtained a partial reception for the new religion. This event occurred in 871; but the faith made little consequent progress, and its ministers were subjected to insult and persecution; nor are we justified in ascribing the complete conversion of that nation to a period earlier than the end of the tenth century. In 989 Vladimer, Prince of the Russians, espoused the sister of the Emperors Basil and Constantine, and embraced, in consequence, the Christian belief. He lived to an extreme old age, and during a long reign found many imitators; his faith became the rule of their worship; and the knowledge of its principles and the practice of its precepts were preceded, as in so many other instances, by its bare nominal* profession. About twenty years earlier the Duke of Poland, whose conversion is also attributed to the influence of a Christian Queen, promoted the spiritual regeneration of his subjects; and, during the first year of the following age, Stephen, King or Duke of Hungary, undertook, with still greater zeal and success, the same holy enterprise. The above facts, though so briefly stated, are perhaps sufficient to prove to us (and could we pursue them more deeply into detail the inference *We are not to suppose that even the general profession of the faith was immediate : in fact we observe that a pious missionary of the Roman Church, named Bruno or Boniface, was massacred in the year 1009, with several associates, by certain Russians whom he would have converted. His ardour for martyrdom was roused by the sight of a church, dedicated at Rome to the ancient martyr Boniface.-See Petrus Damiani ap. Baron, Ann. 996, s. 33. would be still clearer) that, in those days, the public preaching of pious individuals was extremely uncertain in its effect upon the mass of the community, unless when supported by the example or authority of chiefs and princes. Nor is this surprising; for to nations wholly uncivilized and uninstructed it is almost hopeless to address the revelations of truth or the persuasions of reason. And accordingly we observe, that the little perceptible success which attended those missionaries in their direct intercourse with the people is usually ascribed to their miraculous powers, or possibly to the sanctity of their character; seldom to their arguments or their eloquence. But it would have been the greatest of all miracles had this been otherwise; the barbarians were too deeply plunged in ignorance and superstition long to listen to any admonitions which were not addressed to them by the voice of power. And thus, when it pleased God in due season to bring them over to his own service, it may be that He vouchsafed to them some faint and occasional manifestations of his own omnipotence; but it was certainly from amongst the powers and principalities of this world, that he selected his most efficient earthly instruments. In the mean time, during the accomplishment of these gradual and distant conquests, the Saracens had wasted the south of Italy, and approached the very walls of the pontifical city. The Normans On the other side, for their chastisement and expulsion, and Turks. a new and vigorous race presented itself, recently sent forth from the extremities of the North. And (what, besides, is a strange coincidence, and deserving of more curious observation than we can here bestow upon it) while the Norman Pagans were overspreading some of the fairest provinces of the West with fire and relentless desolation, the Turkish Pagans of the East were entering, even at the same moment, on their pestilential career of conquest. The former adopted the religion of the vanquished, and then, by the infusion of their own vigorous character, they made some compensation to Christendom for the wrongs which they had inflicted. In like manner did the Turks embrace the religion, while they overthrew the dynasty of the Arabs, who preceded them and not their dynasty only, but their arts, their industry, and their genius. And, in the place of these, they substituted a savage and sullen despotism, alike destructive to the character and the faculties, since its firmest principles are founded in superstition, and bigotry is the legiti mate spirit by which it is warmed and animated. It is, indeed, true, that the Arabian invaders had devastated many flourishing Christian countries without justice and without mercy; but it was no mild or insufficient retribution, which so soon subjected them to the deadly scourge of Turkish oppression. CHAPTER XVI. The Life of Gregory VII. We shall divide this long and important chapter into three sections. The first will contain the principal events which were brought about by the Popes who immediately preceded Gregory and acted under his influence. The second will describe the great ecclesiastical and political occurrences of his pontificate. In the third we shall consider separately the controversy concerning Berenger, and the general establishment of the Latin Liturgy. SECTION I. Pope Leo IX.-Early History of Hildebrand-Succession of Victor II-of Stephen IX.-of Nicholas II.-his Measure respecting Papal Election-the College of Cardinals-imperfection of that Measure-Subsequent and final Regulation-Inconveniences of popular SuffrageRestriction of the Imperial Right of Confirmation-Homage of Robert Guiscard and the Normans -Dissensions on the Death of Nicholas-Succession of Alexander II.-actual Supremacy of Hildebrand-Measures taken during that Pontificate-Alexander is succeeded by Hildebrand, under the title of Gregory VII. GREAT hopes were entertained that the disorders of Italy and the calamities of the Church would find some respite, if not a final termination, on the accession of Leo IX. This Pope (Bruno, Bishop of Toul), a native of Germany and of splendid reputation, as well for learning as for piety, was appointed by the Emperor Henry III. at the request of the Romans, and ascended the chair in the year 1049; and the dignity of his royal connexion confirmed the hopes which his personal virtues had excited. We are informed that while he was proceeding through France into Italy in his pontifical vestments, he became acquainted at Cluni with a monk named Hildebrand; who prevailed upon him to lay aside those ornaments which he had prematurely assumed, to enter Rome in the dress of a pilgrim, and there to receive from the Clergy and people that apostolical office which no layman had the right to confer. The Pope was struck by the talents and character of this Monk, and carried him along with him to Rome. Hildebrand was probably a native of Saona, in Tuscany, and (so at least it is generally asserted) of low origin†; yet he became early in life the disciple of Laurence, Archbishop of Melpha; presently he gained the notice and even the confidence of Benedict IX. and Gregory VI., and it was not till the death of the latter that he retired to the monastery of Cluni. From a retreat so little suited to his restless spirit he was finally called by Leo IX. to that vast theatre of ecclesiastical ambition, in which so extraordinary a part was destined to himself. Leo presided over the Church for five years: his reign was distinguished by some attempts at salutary reform, and especially by the famous Council which he held at Rheims with that purpose (or under that pretext), in defiance of the royal authority ‡. On his death the election of a successor was confided by the clergy of Rome to the judgment and address of Hildebrand. He selected Victor II., and obtained, by a difficult negociation §, his confirmation from the Emperor. During this Pontificate he was sent into France as legate, and vigorously maintained the authority *Giannoni, Storia di Napoli, 1. ix., s. 3. Muratori, Vit. Rom. Pontif., t. iii., p. 2. The earliest authority for this story seems to be Otho Frisingensis, who flourished in the middle of the following century. Wibertus, who was Leo's archdeacon and biographer, does not mention it. However, the two facts that Hildebrand accompanied him to Rome, and that he entered that city in the habit of a pilgrim, are not disputed. See Pagi, Breviar. Vit. Leo. IX. Both these facts are contested. In the Chronicle of Hugo Flaviniacensis it is expressly asserted that he was a Roman, born of Roman citizens; and Papenbrochius thinks it probable that he was of a noble family. Pagi (Vit. Greg. VII. s. 8.) admits that the truth cannot be clearly ascertained. He made an unsuccessful campaign against the Normans, and was defeated by them in person the year before his death. On this occasion Hildebrand may have learnt the policy of cultivating their friendship. Leo Ostiensis, lib. ii., cap. 90. The Emperor professed extreme reluctance to part with his counsellor and favourite. He deposed six Bishops on various charges 'by the authority of the Roman See.' Respecting one of these it is recorded by several writers, that having been guilty of si tors. of the Holy See. Victor was succeeded in 1057 by Stephen IX., and on his death, in the year following, a violent division arose among the elecThe nobles of Rome were for the most part united, and appear to have made a hasty and illegal choice; but several Cardinals, who had no share in this transaction, assembled at Siena and chose another candidate, who was finally confirmed and placed in possession of the See by the Empress, the mother of Henry IV. This candidate was Nicholas II. : and the difficulties which had attended his own election probably led him, under the guidance of Hildebrand, his counsellor and patron, to that measure, which was the foundation of Papal independence. In a late chapter we briefly mentioned what that measure was, and we shall now add a few remarks in illustration of it. We ⚫ have thought proper to enact (says the Pontiff) that, Enactment on Papal election. and with most diligent consideration by the Cardinal Bishops; who shall ⚫ afterwards call into their council the Cardinal Clerks; and finally require 'the consent of the rest of the Clergy and people t.' The term Cardinal had hitherto been adopted with very great and indefinite latitude in all the Latin Churches, and even applied to the regular orders, as well as to the secular Clergy; but by this edict it was restrained to the seven Bishops who presided in the city and territory of Rome, and to the twenty-eight Clerks or Presbyters, who were the ministers of the twenty-eight Roman parishes or principal Churches. These five-and-thirty persons constituted the College of Cardinals. The previous examination of the claims of the candidates rested with the Bishops, but they could not proceed to election except in conjunction with the Presbyters. The rest of the Clergy, the nobility, and the people, were excluded from any positive share in the election, but were allowed a negative suffrage in giving or withholding their consent. It was obvious, that this last provision would produce frequent disorder and confusion, and that those, who had been so suddenly deprived of the most substantial part of their rights, would lose no opportunity of abusing that which remained to them. And it is probable that Hildebrand, when he counselled a measure of imperfect reform, was obliged to confine himself to what was at the moment practicable, reserving the completion of his design to some more favourable period. And so, indeed, it proved; the nobles, the Clergy, and the populace continued very frequently to disturb the elections which they gradually lost the power to influence; and it was not till the century following that Alexander III. found means to perfect the scheme of Hildebrand, and finally purify them from all such interference. Thenceforward the right of election was vested in the College of Cardinals alone, and so it has continued to the present time. mony he became unable to articulate the offended name of the Holy Ghost, though he could pronounce those of the Father and the Son without any difficulty. Petrus Damiani, Epist. ad Nicolaum Papam. Desiderius Abbas Cassinensis., &c. &c. Pope Stephen, by consent of the Bishops, Clergy, and Roman people, had or dained that at his death no successor should be chosen, except by the counsel of Hildebrand, then Subdeacon of Rome. Hildebrand chose Gerand, Bishop of Florence, who 'took the name of Nicholas II. Hist. Litt. de la France, Vie Nich. II. See also Leo Ostiensis, lib. ii., cap. 101. Pagi, Breviar. Vit. Steph. IX. + Mosh. Cent. xi.. p. ii., c. ii. The Cardinals were to be unanimous in their choice. Hist. Litt. Franc., Vie Nich. II. The College received, on that occasion, some additions for the purpose of conciliating the aristocracy and the civil authorities; but the people gained little or nothing by them. T No one acquainted with the frightful * disorders which were the scandal of the Roman Church during the two preceding centuries, and which were occasionally felt even at much earlier periods, will affect to censure a measure which removed the principal cause of them by subverting the system of popular election. In defence of a custom, which in principle was not calculated for a numerous society, and which had been condemned by the experience of at least five centuries, it was in vain to plead the venerable institution of antiquity. Universal in its origin, it had for some time been adopted in Episcopal elections throughout the whole of Christendom; but as its inconveniences were multiplied by the increase of proselytes, it fell into gradual disuse, first in the East, and afterwards in the Western Church; and at the period which we are now describing, it was perhaps no where in full operation except at Rome. The evils, which at Rome it had so pre-eminently produced, abundantly justify the wisdom of the Reformert. We have also mentioned another important clause contained in the Edict of Nicholas; that which reduced the imperial confirmation to a mere personal privilege, conferred indeed on Henry III., Imperial but liable to be withheld from his successors. The Confirmation. long minority of that Prince, and the weakness of his government, favoured this usurpation, and accelerated the result which Hildebrand foresaw from it, namely, total emancipation from imperial interference. In fact, the very following Pontiff, Alexander II., maintained himself without the sanction, and even against the will, of the Emperor; and though Gregory himself vouchsafed to defer his own consecration till Henry had ratified his election, succeeding Popes did not on any occasion acknowledge such right as any longer vested in the Throne, but proceeded to the exercise of their office, without awaiting even the form of confirmation from Germany. Thus we perceive that the celebrated Council of 1059 was the instrument of finally accomplishing (and that at no very distant period) both the objects at which it aimed, without the power of immediately effecting either-the entire independence of papal election from the opposite restraints of popular suffrage and imperial confirmation. It is true that Hildebrand lived not to behold with his own eyes the completion of the work which he had projected; but such is commonly the fate of those who engage in comprehensive schemes of Giannoni (Hist. Nap., 1. v., c. vi.) details them with great force. + Gibbon seems to have considered the Popes as endeared to the people by the practice of popular election. The affection of the Romans for their Popes (we speak not now of those earlier ages when all episcopal elections were popular) was probably confined to that period which intervened between their neglect by the Eastern Emperor and the accession of Charlemagne ; and during that interval, while endangered by the constant invasions of the Lombards, they were certainly and strongly attached to their leader by the sense of common peril. There are also other and more respectable reasons for that attachment. The Popes of that time were generally Romans by birth, and known to their subjects, as they are known to posterity, by their piety and their virtues. The ecclesiastical revenues were employed to protect the Churches and convents against a barbarous and Arian foe; and the affection awakened by the merits of the Popes was multiplied by their services. See Sismondi, Republ. Ital., c. iii. It is important to cite the words of this Edict. Cardinales Episcopi diligentissima 'simul consideratione tractantes mox sibi Clericos Cardinales adhibeant, sicque reliquus 'Clerus et populus ad consensum novæ electionis accedant. Eligant autem de 'ipsius Ecclesiæ gremio, si repertus fuerit idoneus; et si de ipsa non invenitur ex alia 'assumatur; salvo debito honore et reverentia dilecti Filii nostri Henrici, qui impræsen• tiarum Rex habetur, et futurus Imperator Deo concedente speratur, sicut jam ipsi concessimus, et successorum illius qui ab Apostolica Sede personaliter hoc jus impetraverint,' Pagi, Brev. Vit. Nicolai II., s. 7. |