his dearest friend, for a pope, who would be his bitterest enemy*. And so, indeed, it proved. On the occasion of an early and amicable conference, Innocent refused to withdraw his predecessor's excommunication, until Frederic should restore all that he was charged with having plundered from the Church. The meeting had no result; and Innocent presently repaired to France, and summoned a very numerous council at Lyons.

First Council of Lyons.

As soon as the members were assembled † (in 1245) Innocent, taking his throne, with Baldwin, emperor of the East, on his right hand, began the proceedings, by conferring the use of the red bonnet on his cardinals-to the end that they might never forget, in the use of that colour, that their blood was at all times due to the service of the Church. At the same time he adorned them with other emblems of dignity, in imitation of regal pomp and state, and in scorn (as it was thought) of a favourite expression of Frederic, that a Christian prelate ought to emulate the meekness and poverty of the disciples of Christ. He then opened his discourse respecting the defence of the Holy Land, and of other states at that time endan gered by the Tartar invasion §, and concluded with some general reproaches on the character and conduct of Frederic,-that he had persecuted the pon tiffs and other ministers of the Church of God; exiled and plundered the bishops; imprisoned the clergy, and even put many to a cruel death, with other similar charges. The same were repeated on the next day of meeting, and supported and exaggerated by the suspicious testimony of two partial and intemperate prelates. On both occasions they were boldly repelled by the emperor's ambassador, Taddeo di Suessa. After the delay of a fortnight, occasioned by an unfounded expectation of Frederic's appearance in person, the council assembled for the third time; and then, after premising some constitutions respecting the Holy Land, Innocent, to the astonishment and horror of all who heard him,' pronounced the final and fatal sentence against Frederic. He declared that prince deprived of the imperial crown, with all its honours and privileges, and of all his other states; he released his subjects from their oath; he even forbade their further obedience, on pain of excommunication, and commanded the electors to the empire to choose a successor. He presently recommended

See Giannone, Stor. di Nap., lib. xvii., c. 3, aud various authorities collected by Sismondi, Rep. Ital., ch. xvi.

+ See Giannone, lib. xvii., cap. 3. Sismondi, Rep. Ital., ch. xvi.

Bzov. Ann. Eccles., ad ann. 1245. Giannone, loc. cit. Pagi. vit., Inn. IV. sec. xxxi. investigates the question whether this dignity was conferred at that time, or two years

later.

§ Besides the affair of Frederic, to which our account in the text is nearly confined, the first General Council of Lyons professed three grand objects. (1.) To assist the Latin emperor of Constantinople against the Greeks. (2.) To aid the emperor of Germany against the Tartars. (3.) To rescue the Holy Land from the Saracens. For the attainment of the first of these objects, the Pope ordained a contribution of half the revenues of all benefices on which the incumbents were not actually resident, (a wholesome and admirable distinction,) placing a still higher impost on the largest; also of a tenth of the revenues of the Church of Rome. For the second, he exhorted the inhabitants to dig ditches, and build castles. For the third, he commanded the priests, and others in the Christian army, to offer up continual prayers, moving the Crusaders to repentance and virtue. Besides which he promised a twentieth part of the revenues of benefices for three years, and a tenth of those of the Pope and his cardinals. He likewise encouraged all who had the care of souls to influence the faithful to make donations by testament and otherwise. The decree touching the levies of money displeased many prelates, who openly opposed it, declaring that the Court of Rome now perpetually despoiled them under that pretext.

to that dignity Henry, Landgrave of Thuringia. For the kingdom of Sicily, he took upon himself, with the counsel of the cardinals, his brethren,' to provide a sovereign.

Deposition of
Frederic.

Frederic was at Turin when he received the news of this proceeding. He turned to the barons, who surrounded him, and, with deep indignation, addressed them. The pontiff has deprived me of the imperial crown-let us see if it be so.' He then ordered the crown to be brought to him, and placed it on his head, saying, that neither pope nor council had the power to take it from him.' Most of the princes of Europe were, indeed, of the same opinion, and continued to acknowledge him to the end of his life. And we may remark, that the usurpation of Innocent was in one respect marked with peculiar audacity,- he did not even plead the approbation of the Holy Council, but contented himself with proclaiming that the sentence had been pronounced in its presence *.

Nevertheless, his edict found willing obedience from the superstition or the turbulence of the German barons. Henry was supported by numerous partizans, and waged a prosperous warfare against Conrad, the son of Frederic; and on his early death, William, Count of Holland, was substituted by the Pope as a candidate for the throne. Innocent's genius and activity suggested to him the most refined arts to insure success, and his principles permitted him to adopt the most iniquitous. He even departed so far from the observance of humanity, and the most sacred feelings of nature, as to employ his intrigues to seduce Conrad from the service of his father, into rebellious and parricidal allegiance to the Church. That virtuous prince, rejecting, with firmness, the impious proposition, replied, that he would defend the side he had chosen to the last breath of life † ; and neither the Pope nor the Church gained even a temporary advantage by an attempt which covers them with eternal infamy.

The same industrious hostility which had kindled rebellion among the German princes, was exerted with no less effect among the contentious states of Italy. The Guelphic interests were everywhere strengthened by the energy of Innocent; and the utmost efforts of Frederic were insufficient to restore tranquillity to Italy, or even to obtain any important triumphs over his Italian enemies. He died in Apulia, in the year 1250; and though he had never formally re- His death nounced the title of Emperor, his deposition was virtually and character. accomplished by the edict of Innocent, since the rest of

his life was spent in uninterrupted confusion and alarm, in the midst of battle, and sedition, and treason, without any enjoyment of the repose of royalty, and with a very limited possession either of its dignity or autho rity. The character of Frederic has been vilified by Guelphic writers, and probably too highly exalted by the opposite faction. In the conduct of affairs purely temporal, he is celebrated for justice, magnificence, generosity, as well as for the patronage of arts and literature. Familiar with the use of many languages, and himself an author, he exhibited that disposition to cultivate science, and nourish every branch of knowledge, which is so seldom associated with great vices. In regard to his long and complicated contentions with the Church, it is unquestionably

*Sacro præsente Concilio.' Bzovius (Ann. Eccles., ad ann. 1445) gives the precious document entire, prefaced, of course, with unqualified eulogy. Pagi, however, (Vit. Inn. IV., sec. xx.), argues, that the approbation of the Council was implied in its proceedings, if not actually expressed in the title of the sentence.

+ Giannone, Stor, Nap., lib. xvii., ch, 4.

true that he violated, without any known necessity, certain solemn obligations respecting the time of commencing his Crusade. His reluctance to engage at all in such sanguinary and fruitless enterprises may be acknowledged and justified; but his repeated breach of faith gave some reason to the Holy See for suspecting his subsequent promises. It is also true that he exiled some bishops, and imprisoned others, and even proceeded to greater extremities against some individuals of the inferior orders of the clergy; and also that he levied contributions and imposts on all classes of his ecclesiastical subjects*. But those who felt his rigour may probably have deserved it by moral or political misconduct; and it was just and legal + that the clergy should contribute some proportion to the support of the state. It may seem strange that, while his adversaries heap upon him the bitterest charges of impiety and blasphemy‡, his friends persist in asserting the unalterable fidelity and affection which he bore to his mother church, the protectress of his infancy; that he was ever eager to advocate her cause, and promote her interests. In support of this singular pretension, it is advanced, that he was the inflexible and implacable extirpator of heresy. This fact, though urged by his admirers, is not disputed by his enemies. It is faithfully recorded, that at an early period (in 1224) he published three constitutions, which aggravated the guilt and punishments of heresy even beyond those of treason, and placed the temporal authorities at the disposal of the ecclesiastical inquisitors §. Those (he ordained) who have been arrested for heresy, and who, being moved by the fear of death, are desirous to return to the Church, shall be condemned to the penance of perpetual imprisonment. The judges shall be bound to seize the heretics discarded by the inquisitors of the holy See, or by others zealous for the Catholic faith, and to confine them closely until their execution, according to the sentence of the Church We also condemn to death those who, having abjured to save their life, shall return into error. We deprive heretics, and all who abet them, of all benefit of appeal; and it is our will that heresy be entirely banished from the whole extent of our empire. And as the crime which assails God is greater than that of treason, we ordain that the children of heretics, to the second generation, be deprived of all temporal benefits, and all public offices, unless they come forward and denounce their parents. ||'

Such were the measures by which an independent, and powerful, and

Hence (says Giannone) probably arose the report, that he had commonly proclaimed his intention of reducing the clergy to primitive poverty; so that Matthew Paris, who, before Frederic's deposition, had always adhered to his party, as soon as he understood that such were his common expressions, as he was himself abbot of Monte Albano (St. Alban's), in England, and wealthy and well beneficed, was displeased with such a proposition, and so began to change his style, and to write against him, in a manner different from his former.' Stor. di Nap, lib. xvii., c. 4.

+ Giannone proves that such had been the invariable custom, at least in the southern provinces of the empire of Frederic.

One of these is the celebrated expression respecting the Three Impostors, then commonly attributed to Frederic, though solemnly and publicly denied by him. Another is a tale, recorded by certain monks, that, when they requested him to spare their crop of wheat, Frederic commanded his soldiers to desist, and to respect those ears of corn, since some day the grains which they contained might become so many Christs.' Giannone, loc. cit., on authority of Simon Hanh, Hist. Germ. in Frederico II.

Several authors assert that, in virtue of a promise made to Innocent III., he esta blished a permanent Inquisition in Sicily in the year 1213. Stor. di Nap. loc. cit. This, however, is scarcely probable, for the Inquisition was not at that time permanently established even at Toulouse.

Fleury, Hist. Eccl., lib. lxxviii., sec. lxv.

(for those days) an enlightened monarch, evinced his affection for the Church of Rome! Such were the favours by which he courted her friendship, and sought to merit her gratitude! by feeding her fiercest passion -by sanctioning the most fatal of all her evil principles. It is true that Frederic may thus have established some claims on the sympathy of the furious zealots of his time; but his indulgence to those churchmen was no deed of friendship to the Church. To protect and foster the vices of a system, is to prevent its permanence, and poison its prosperity; and if ever, during his long reign, he appeared as the real friend of Rome, it was the time when he least professed that name-at the time when he exposed her abuses, and proclaimed her shame, and called upon her to repent and amend. And assuredly, when he lent his obsequious sword to swell the catalogue of her crimes, he was already preparing for his latter years the tempest which disturbed and tormented them; nor did it happen without the spirit of God, that his calamities were inflicted by that same hand, whose darkest atrocities had been approved and directed by himself.

Disputes between Church and Empire.

It is strange, too, that among the four reasons by which the Pope justi fied his sentence of deposition, it was one, that Frederic had rendered himself guilty of heresy, by his contempt of pontifical censures, and his unholy alliance with the Saracens. Thus, then, did that prince, according to the strict letter of his own constitutions, become liable, on his condemnation by the Church, to the monstrous penalties contained in them. Another, perhaps a more plausible reason, was this, that he had been deficient in that fidelity, which he owed to the Pope, as his vassal for the kingdom of Sicily; for that claim, however absurd in origin and principle, had been previously asserted and acknowledged. But, in truth, when we compare the character and causes of this second conflict between the Church and the Empire with those which marked the contest of Henry with Gregory VII. and his successors, we find it much more difficult to discover what was the specific and tangible ground of quarrel. In the former instance there existed one grand and definite object, for which both parties perseveringly struggled; in the latter, many vague complaints and indeterminate offences were advanced and retorted; but no single great principle was avowedly contested, nor was any one additional right or privilege acquired or confirmed to the Church by its final triumph. Only the power and influence of Rome were made more manifest; and other nations were taught to tremble at the omnipotence of the double sword.

This leads us to remark another distinction-that, in the contest with Henry, it was, in reality, the Church of Rome which rose in opposition to the empire-the spiritual, or, at least, the ecclesiastical, interests of the See were those most consulted and most prominent in the debate. In that with Frederic, it was rather from the Court of Rome, that the spirit and motives of policy proceeded. In the former case, the material sword was introduced as secondary and subsidiary to the spiritual; but in the latter, if the contrary was not actually the case †, at least the two weapons were

* See Sismondi, Rep. Ital., ch. xvi.

In the year 1251, Christianus, (or Conrad,) Archbishop of Mentz, was actually deposed by Innocent, for reluctance to use arms in the defence of the Church. He said, that the works of war did not become the sacerdotal character; but that he was ever willing to use the sword of the spirit, which was the word of God. The Scriptures had

so dexterously substituted and interchanged for each other-the one was so continually presented under the holy semblance of the other-as to show the proficiency which the See had latterly made in the art of deluding the human race.

Again-the avarice or the necessities of Rome compelled her, during these disputes, to a measure which, however expedient at the moment, was finally very injurious to her-that of levying taxes rigidly and generally upon the clergy. It was not in England only (though there most successfully*) that Gregory IX. exacted from all ranks of ecclesiastics the tenth of their moveables immediately on his breach with the emperor; and every one recollects with what repugnance his second requisition (in 1240) was admitted by our clerical forefathers. From the moment that the Pope was found so infatuated as to publish a Crusade † against a Catholic emperor, and to feed his own temporal ambition by despoiling his faithful Catholic clergy, the minds of all reasonable laymen were startled and revolted by the former outrage, while the hearts of the clergy, being touched by the injustice of the latter, began gradually to close against so rapacious a protector.

When Innocent received the news of the death of Frederic, his exulta, tion broke forth without restraint or moderation; Conduct of Innocent. Let the heavens rejoice, and let the earth be in festivity; for the thunder and the tempest with which a powerful God has so long threatened your heads, are changed by the death of that man into refreshing breezes and fertilizing dews.'

commanded him to put his sword in the sheath. Of this offence (and no other charge is mentioned) he was accused by the king and certain of the laity before the Pope, and was immediately degraded from his See. Pagi, Innoc. IV., sec. xlvii.

The pages of Matthew Paris abound with instances of pontifical rapacity and insolence. See ad annos 1244, 1245, 1246, 1247, 1250, 1252, &c. Sometimes a legate à latere was the instrument; sometimes the Mendicants acted as tax-gatherers; and even Ireland did not escape their visitations. In 1247, the complaints both of the French and English clergy assumed a formidable shape for that age. The lasting effect was, that the former devotion to Rome was turned into 'execrabile odium et maledictiones occultas.' For all both saw and felt that the Pope was insatiable in his extortions, to their great loss and impoverishment. And there were many who began to question whether he had really received from heaven the power of St. Peter to bind and to loose, seeing how very unlike he was to that apostle. Resolutum est igitur os iniqua loquentium, &c.'. . and this as well in France as in England.

† The same indulgences were promised to those who armed against the emperor as against the sultan; and the apostolic preachers, under Innocent at least, even pointed out the former as the easier and broader road to salvation. Sismondi, Rep. Ital., chap. xvi. Fleury, Hist. Eccl., lib. lxxxiii., sec. xxxiii. The nobility of France, and the Queen Blanche, were highly offended by this measure of Innocent, during the Crusade of St. Louis. The Pope (they complained) is preaching a new Crusade against Christians for the extension of his own dominions, and forgets the king, our master, who is suffering so much for the faith.' 'Let the Pope (the queen replied) keep those who go into his ser vice; and let them depart, never to return. The nobles also reprimanded the Mendicants who had preached this Crusade. We build for you churches and houses: we receive, nourish, and entertain you. What good does the Pope for you? He fatigues and tor ments you; he makes you his tax-gatherers, and renders you hateful to your benefactors.' They excused themselves on the plea of the obedience due to him... Here we discover the elements of the Gallican liberties.

In a similar spirit of Christian forgiveness, the same Pope is related to have expressed his exultation at the death of Grosstete, bishop of Lincoln. I rejoice; and let every true son of the Church rejoice with me-that my great enemy is removed.' Assuredly that admirable prelate had gone very far in disaffection, not hesitating to denounce Innocent, almost with his dying breath, as Antichrist; For by what other name are we to designate that power, which labours to destroy the souls that Christ came to save ?'