Chap. XXIII.]

A HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.

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they beheld the man, in whose presence all had once been prostrate, now voluntarily humbling himself before the throne, which he had so lately. occupied, and before an individual, who had honoured him, for nearly five years, as his lord and pontiff. Martin V. shared the general emotion and the reciprocal conduct of these two prelates furnishes an instance magnanimous generosity, which too rarely illustrates the annals of the Church. The Pope resolved to exalt his predecessor as near to his former diguity, as was consistent with his own supremacy. Baltazar Cossa was appointed cardinal and dean of the Sacred College; in all public ceremonies, whether of chapels, consistories, or other assemblies, Baltazar was placed by the side of the Pontiff, on a loftier seat than any other ecclesiastic; he was honoured by the confidence of his master, and he repaid it by undeviating fidelity.

That fidelity may, indeed, have cost him no struggle; and if we should believe his former declaration, that from the moment of his elevation to the chair he had never enjoyed one day of happiness, the most enviable portion of his life may really have been that, in which he was followed by general commiseration. But whether he passed his remaining days in successful conflict with a bad and powerful passion, or whether (as seems to us more probable) he surveyed with philosophical disdain the dignity of which he had felt the cares, and had not valued the vanities,-in either case, he exhibited a vigour and expanse of mind, which is rarely found in man. . . . It is true, that the usual portraits of John XXIII. would not prepare us to expect such virtue in him. But that Pope has been, in truth, too hardly treated by historians. His enemies, in all ages, have been the powerful party; and the monstrous imputations, which originated at Constance, have been too eagerly repeated both by Protestant and other writers. Baltazar Cossa was a mere soldier*,-deeply stained, no doubt, with the loose immorality which then commonly attached to that profession, but not destitute of candid and manly resolution, nor of those worldly principles, which make men honourable. It is entirely unquestionable, that he was never actuated, even in appearance, by any sense of religion; that he was wholly disqualified even for the lowest ministry in God's Church; but he lived in an age in which the ecclesiastical and military characters were still deemed consistent, and in a Church, which had long permitted the most dissolute demeanour to its directors. As grand master of a military order, Baltazar Cossa might have descended to posterity with untarnished celebrity; and even the apostolical chair, had he possessed it some fifty years later, would have pardoned, under the protection of his warlike enterprise, the pollution and scandal of his vices.

*He is said to have exercised in his youth the trade of a pirate. . . . "Dum simplex Clericus ac in adolescentia constitutus existeret, cum quibusdam fratribus suis piraticam in mari Neapolitano, ut fertur, exercuit, &c." To the habits thus acquired, is attributed a peculiarity which followed him even to the Popedom, of devoting the night to business, and the day to sleep. Theod. of Niem, Vit. Johann. XXIII. His character is fairly discussed by Sismondi (Rep. Ital. chap. lxii.), who truly remarks, that, had he been as abandoned as he is sometimes described, he would scarcely have been twice raised to the pontificate (for he was really chosen when Alexander V. was made Pope), nor retained so many valuable friends to the end of his life. Leonardus Aretinus describes him to have been "Vir in temporalibus quidem magnus; in spiritualibus vero nullus omnino et ineptus."... Rer. Italic. Historia.

NOTE ON THE WHITE PENITENTS AND OTHER ENTHUSIASTS.

(I.) Giovanni Villani (lib. xi. cap. xxiii.) relates, that in 1334 one Venturius of Bergamo, a mendicant preacher, a man of no eminence or family distinction, created a strong, though temporary, sensation in Lombardy and Tuscany. The object of his preaching was to bring sinners to repentance; and so great was the success, and so visible were the fruits of his eloquence, that more than ten thousand Lombards, of whom many were of the higher ranks, set out to pass the season of Lent at Rome. They were clad in the habit of St. Dominic; they travelled in troops of twenty-five or thirty, preceded by a cross; and their incessant cry was 'Peace and mercy.' During fifteen successive days, the time of their passage through Florence, they were entertained by that enlightened people with respect and charity; and so great became the renown and influence of the preacher, that they came to the knowledge of the court of Avignon, and awakened the jealousy of Pope Benedict. Venturius was arrested, and summoned before the Inquisition on the charge of heresy; and though acquitted by that tribunal, he was still retained in confinement by papal authority. Such,' says Villani, are the rewards which holy persons receive from the prelates of the Church-unless, indeed, the above was inflicted as a just chastisement upon the overbearing ambition of that friar, though doubtless his intentions were excellent.'

(II.) We read in Spondanus, that in the year 1374 there arose in Belgium a sect of Dancers, who paraded the streets, entered houses and churches half naked, crowned with garlands, dancing and singing, uttering unknown names, falling senseless on the ground, and exhibiting other marks of demoniacal agitation. Many were found to imitate them; and thus much (says the historian) appears certain, that this effect was produced through the visitation of an evil spirit; for they were healed by the charms of the exorcists, and by the reading of St. John's gospel, or of the expressions by which Christ is recorded to have cast out devils, as also of the Apostle's Creed. The same writer proceeds more reasonably to attribute their disease to the want of religious instruction. But it was needless to seek particular causes for the appearance of one of those distempers, which have disfigured the best ages of the Church, at a time when the disorders of the ecclesiastical government were so generally felt and confessed; when the people were beginning to exercise in so many quarters a freedom of opinion, yet feebly moderated by reason or knowledge; and when religion was the subject, to which the greater portion of this irregular independence was directed.

(III.) We shall, therefore, content ourselves with mentioning one other eruption of enthusiasm, which was more violent, indeed, and more celebrated, than the last, but apparently even more transient. In the year 1399, when the Christian world was astounded by the triumphs of the Turks and the Tartars from without, and shocked by the schism and the vices which it exposed and occasioned within, a body of devotees descended the Alps into Italy, and began to preach Peace and Repentance. They were entirely clothed in white, and carried crosses or crucifixes, whence blood appeared to exude like sweat. They were headed by a priest, a foreigner, whom some affirm to have been a Spaniard, others a Provençal, others a Scotsman, and who affirmed himself to be Elias the Prophet, recently returned from Paradise. The awful announcement, which he was commissioned to make, was the immediate destruction

of the world by an earthquake; and his tale and his prophecy were eagerly received by a generation, educated in habits of religious credulity. Lombardy was the scene of his first exhortations; he traversed its cities and villages, followed by multitudes, who assumed at his bidding the cross, the raiment, and at least the show of repentance. From Lombardy he proceeded to the Ligurian Alps, and entered Genoa at the head of five thousand enthusiasts, natives of an adjacent town. They sang various new hymus in the form of litanies, and among them the celebrated Stabat Mater dolorosa, the reputed composition of St. Gregory: they passed several days in that city preaching peace, and then returned to their homes. The Genoese caught the contagion, and transmitted it onwards to Lucca and Pisa. Those of Lucca immediately proceeded, four thousand in number, to Florence, and, after being entertained by the public hospitality, departed. Then the Florentines adopted that new religion (as ecclesiastical writers designate it) with equal fervour; and thus was it propagated from one end of Italy to the other, till its course was at length arrested by

the sea.

This pious frenzy was not confined to the lower classes, nor to the laity, nor even to the inferior orders of the clergy. Prelates and even cardinals are recorded to have followed, if they did not guide, the current; and the numerous procession from Florence was conducted by the Archbishop. And if, indeed, we are to believe the wonderful effects which are ascribed to the preaching of these fanatics, we shall scarcely censure the compliance which countenanced, or at least which tolerated them. All who joined in those pilgrimages made confession and testified sincere repentance. Every one pardoned his neighbour, and dismissed the recollection of past offences; so that the work of charity was multiplied with zeal and emulation, and enmities, which no ordinary means could have reconciled, were put asleep. It was a festivity of general reconciliation. Ambuscades, assassinations, and all other crimes were for the season suspended; nor was any violence committed nor any treason meditated, so long as the "religion" of the White Penitents continued in honour. But this was not long; the imposture of the prophet was presently discovered and exposed, and within a very few months from the time of its appearance, the order fell into disregard, and wholly disappeared*.

CHAPTER XXIV.

Attempts of the Church at Self-Reformation.

General clamour for Reformation-with different objects-first appearance of a Reform party in the Church-exposure of Church abuses by individual Ecclesiastics-Pierre d'Ailli-Nicholas Clemangis-John Gerson-German and English Reformers-Zabarella-the real views and objects of those Ecclesiastics-how limited-position, exertions, and disappointment of the Council of Pisa -good really effected by it-Council of Constance-language of Gerson-The Committee of Reform -its labours-the question as to the priority of the Reformation or of the election of the new Pope-division of the Council-arguments on both sides-calumnies against the Germans-death of the Bishop of Salisbury-Address to the Emperor-defection of two Cardinals and of the English -final effort of the Germans-triumph of the Papal party-and election of Martin V.-necessary result of this the principles and motives of the Italian clergy-The fortieth Session-object of the Reformers-the Eighteen Articles-remarks-other projects of the Committee-respecting the Court of Rome their general character-respecting the secular Clergy-ecclesiastical jurisdiction-the

*The authors who have mentioned these enthusiasts, are Theodoric of Niem, an eyewitness, Poggio, in his History of Florence, Sigonius, Platina, Muratori.

monastic establishments-the real difference in principle between the two parties-first proceed. ings of Martin V.-fresh remonstrances of the nations-Sigismond's reply to the French-the Pope negotiates with the nations separately-publishes in the 43rd Session his Articles of Reformation -and soon afterwards dissolves the Council-the Concordats-character of the Pope's ArticlesAnnates-exertions of the French-the principle of the superiority of a General Council to the Pope established at Constance-decree for the periodical convocation of General Councilsassemblies of Pavia and Sienna-meeting of the Council of Basle-death of Martin V.—crisis of the Church-Accession of Eugenius IV.-his character-determines on opposition to the Council of Basle-the objects of that assembly-Cardinal Julian Cesarini-Contest between the Council and the Pope-two epistles of Cardinal Julian to the Pope-citations from them, on the corruption of the German clergy, on the popular discontent, on the transfer or prorogation of the Council, on the danger to the temporalities of the Church, on Eugenius' efforts to destroy the Council-political circumstances interrupt the dispute-the Pope sanctions the Council, and they proceed to the reformation of the Church-Substance of the chief enactments on that subject-against concubinage, fees paid at Rome-on papal election, &c.-some subsequent canons-Industry of the Pope's party in the Council-his successful negotiations at Constantinople-the quarrel renewedthe Pope assembles the Council of Ferrara-Secession of Cardinal Julian-his example not imitated -Differences about the legitimacy of the Council of Basle-the Cardinal of Arles-the eight pro. positions against Eugenius-strong opposition in favour of the Pope-he is deposed-Amadeus, Duke of Savoy, (Felix V.) appointed successor-dissolution of the Council-Nicholas V. succeeds Eugenius, and Fellx abdicates-Diet of Mayence-The Council of Bourges-Pragmatic Sanction-its two fundamental principles-character of its leading provisions-its real permanence-The intended periodical meeting of General Councils-its probable effects on the condition of the ChurchEcclesiastical principles of the Councils of Constance and Basle-treatment of Huss and Jerome of Prague-Spiritual legislation of the Council of Basle-intolerance of those assemblies-Discovery of the art of printing.

THOUGH Churchmen are usually slow to perceive the corruptions of their own system, and unwisely dilatory and apprehensive in correcting them, still the abuses of the Roman Catholic Church were now become so flagrant-they had so commonly thrown off decency and shame-they were so wholly indefensible by reason or even by sophistry-and at the same time so oppressive and so unpopular, that a cry for Reformation began to be raised by the acknowledged friends, the ministers, and even the dignitaries of the communion. We intend no reference at this moment to the murmurs of those discontented spirits, who saw deeper into the iniquities of the system, and aimed their yet ineffectual resistance at its root-those faithful messengers of the Gospel, who prepared the way for Luther and Cranmer, but whose warnings were lost upon a selfish and short-sighted hierarchy. The exertions of Wickliffe and Huss, the real reformers of the Church, will be noticed hereafter: at present, we shall confine our attention to the endeavours, by which the wiser and more virtuous among her obedient children strove, through a considerable period, to remove her most repulsive deformities, and restore at least the semblance of health and dignity. We shall observe with curiosity and advantage the particular evils, to which the zeal of those reformers was directed, and the perverse and narrow and fatal policy which thwarted it. It is not that any effectual remedies could have been applied by those hands-nor any perfect renovation of their Communion accomplished by men, who were ignorant of the actual seat and character of the disease. The restoration of an Evangelical Church was not the object, nor could it have been the result, of their efforts; but the permanence of their own system was the matter really at stake for it is very clear that the dominion of Rome would have been greatly strengthened by seasonable self-correction; and that an authority, so deeply fixed in the firmest prejudices of mankind, might have been preserved somewhat longer, had it been exercised with more discretion, and modified according to the changing principles of the times.

In our progress through the earlier annals of the Church, the shadow of reformation is continually before our eyes, and its name presents itself in every page—not only in the records of the monastic establishments, which

could not otherwise have been perpetuated, than by an unceasing process of regeneration, but also in the general regulations of Popes and of Councils. The necessity of new enactments, the pressure of existing abuses, the excellence of the ancient discipline were admitted in all ages, and the admission was sometimes followed by salutary legislation. Indeed, it is unquestionable, that those among the chiefs of the Church, who have best secured the gratitude of their own communion, as well as the commemoration of history, have deserved that distinction, not by a timid acquiescence in the defects of the existing institutions, but by a generous endeavour to correct them: so that the word at least was familiar and respectable in the eyes of Prelates and of Popes, and the principle might be avowed, under certain restrictions, without any suspicion, or even insinuation, of heresy.

General Complaints against the abuses of the Church.

The first occasion, however, on which the advocates of reform can be said to have appeared as a party in the Church, was the first assembly for the extinction of the schism. Among the Fathers of Pisa a powerful spirit of independence prevailed, and the circumstances of the preceding century had given it a direction and an object. There are, indeed, many earlier instances of the boldness of ecclesiastics in individually denouncing the imperfections of the Church, and in synodically legislating for their removal; but it was not till the secession to Avignon had lowered the majesty of Rome and impaired the resources of her Pontiffs; it was not till the division which followed had filled the world with proofs of their weakness and baseness, of their necessities, their vices, and their extortions-that a principle very hostile to papal despotism established itself, not only among princes and enlightened laymen, but even among the Prelates of the Catholic Church. Indeed, when we observe the language in which certain eminent ecclesiastical writers, during the conclusion of the 14th and the beginning of the following century, have exposed and stigmatized ecclesiastical disorders, our wonder will rather be, that the system, which they so boldly denounced, did not sink beneath the burden of its own sinfulness, than that persons, who were interested in its preservation should have combined to amend and restore it. Among these were men of the noblest character and most extended learning; men of all nations, and, during the schism, of all obediences; at the same time, they were persons attached to Popery and patronized by Popes. Among the French, Pierre d'Ailli, Cardinal of Cambrai, was a moderate, but earnest, advocate for reform; in his treatise* on that subject, written about 1410, he censured with great severity the luxurious insolence of his own order; and it was he who has retailed a proverb current in those days, that the Church had arrived at such a condition, as to deserve to be governed only by the reprobatet.' Nicholas of Clemangis, a native of Champagne, who had been secretary to Benedict XIII., in an address to the Council of Constance, ascribed the schism

* De difficultate Reformationis in Concilio Universali.' It was addressed to Gerson, in reply to the Treatise of the latter on the same subject. His more celebrated work was that De Ecclesiastica Potestate,' in which he gave his views of the origin of ecclesiastical, as well as of papal power, and of their relation to each other. It may be found in the 6th volume of Von der Hardt. He was born in Picardy in 1350, and both Gerson and Clemangis were his pupils. Bayle, Vie de Pierre d'Ailly.

"Adeo ut jam horrendum quorundam proverbium sit, ad hunc statum venisse Ecclesiam, ut non sit digna regi nisi per reprobos." The passage is cited by Lenfant, Hist. Conc. Const., 1. vii. s. 1.