itself, as by an earthquake, and destroy them. But here it must be observed, that however notorious was the infamy of the Roman court to the nobles, and even the people of Rome; however generally it might be related and credited, even throughout Italy, that country profited too extensively by the tributes of foreign superstition, to feel any desire to close their sources: besides which, Italy, having long exhibited less regard than any other land for the spiritual treasures and censures of Rome, was less disgusted by the spectacle of her vices. But beyond the Alps, where a just indignation would really have been excited, the private arrangements of the conclave, and even the secrets of the pontifical palace did yet rarely or imperfectly transpire-a sacred veil still continued to conceal the impurities of the Fathers of the Church, nor was it raised, until the barriers were at length broken by Charles VIII., and the natives of every country were admitted to a nearer view of the pontifical mysteries. Another circumstance, which made men less disposed to rebellion against the Holy See, was the literary character of Literary Popes. some of the later pontiffs. The genius and accomplishments of Nicholas V., of Pius II., and even of Sixtus IV., threw a light round the chair of St. Peter, which dazzled, and for a while deceived, the Cisalpine nations. Besides, the vices of the court were really less general during those reigns; for if the example of the Pope did not necessarily influence all his cardinals, at least his own character directed him in the choice of those whom he created; so that it is not uncommon, during this period, to find respectable authors*, as well as patrons of learning, among the members of the Sacred College. But in the example of Sixtus, evil upon the whole predominated; and those who next succeeded, presented models of flagitiousness almost unqualified, so that the effect produced upon the Christian world by the brilliancy of those former reigns, gradually faded away; and when Leo X. restored the image of a splendid pontificate, it was too late to prevent the out-breaking of settled, deliberate discontent.

Efforts against the Turks.

The period described in this chapter was also marked by one other feature very deserving of attention;-the hostility of the Turk, and the consequent clamour for a grand Christian confederacy. In former ages the calamities of the Holy Land and the pollution of the tomb of Christ were motives sufficient to arm the indignation of the west. As time proceeded, and knowledge slowly advanced, and wisdom still more slowly followed it, that rage at length evaporated: but not till the Popes had turned it, in various manners, to their own profit, to enrich and aggrandize their See, and to unite the Catholic Church. Precisely after the same fashion, as far as the altered principles of the age would allow, did the Vatican treat the question of the Turkish conquests. In this case, there was more of reason in the outcry, and proportionably less of superstition; the danger was sometimes imminent; it was never very remote; and the projected crusade was virtually defensive. It is not that some Popes were not very sincere, especially in the beginning of their reigns, in their exhortations to arm against the infidel-and some had been equally earnest in former ages, in their exertions for the liberation

* Some of these-for instance Cardinal Bessarion, who died under Sixtus IV.-were the creations of an earlier period-the turbulent times of Constance and Basle, when the Roman court was obliged, in self-defence, to adopt men of some learning and talents. The works of Bessarion are enumerated and described by the Continuator of Fleury (p. 113, s. 126). His defence of platonism (in Calumniatorem Platonis) against George of Trebisond is the most celebrated of his writings.

of Palestine-but many more were not so: yet these raised the same outcry, and repeated as loudly the same arguments and declamations. One of them, indeed, Paul II., so closely imitated the worst exploit of Innocent III., as to divert the course of war from its purposed channel, and direct it against Christian heretics. But the others, when not absolutely threatened by invasion, had, for the most part, two objects in their vociferations; the one, to bring money into the apostolical chamber; the other, to drown the reviving demands for Church reform, and turn the thoughts of men to any subject, rather than a general council*. In both these objects they, for a time, succeeded-unhappily for the age in which they lived, unhappily for the permanence of their own empire. But it was God's providence which ordered this-to the end that the reformation should be more full and perfect, owing to the very blindness which had retarded it, and to the very bigotry which thought to withhold it for ever. For, however various the opinions prevalent at the moment, there can now be no question, that if the court of Rome had zealously employed itself, during this period of seventy-four years, in removing its scandals, in amending its morals, in retrenching its more extravagant claims, in reducing its expenses, and moderating its exactions, it might have continued, according to all human calculation, to sway for some time longer the spiritual destinies of Europe.

CHAPTER XXVIII.

PRELIMINARIES OF THE REFORMATION

SECTION I.-On the Power and Constitution of the Roman Catholic Church. (1) Origin, progress, and prosperity of the Pope's secular monarchy-Character and policy of Julius II.-Excuse for the union of the two powers in the Pope-Evils proceeding from it. (2) The spiritual supremacy of Rome-its rise, character, and extent-Usurpation of Church patronagepretensions to personal infallibility-control over the general morality-in Penance, Purgatory, and Indulgences-decline of the power-not of the pretensions. (3) Claims of Rome to universal temporal supremacy-as advanced by Gregory VII.-on what founded-by what means supported -use and abuse of this power. (4) Constitution of the Church. Origin and gradual aggrandizement of the Cardinals-to the rank of kings-The capitulations sworn in Conclave, and invariably violated-Relative interests and influence of the Pope and the Sacred College-to the advantage of the former-its usual co-operation with the Pontiff-General Councils-subordinate machinery of the Church-highest dignities accessible to all ranks-Good and evil of this-Envoys and emissarles-Mendicants-Inquisition-Moral extremes permitted-Maxims of policy-Methods of securing the obedience of the lowest classes.

SECTION II.-On the Spiritual Character, Discipline, and Morals of the

Church.

(1) Conservation of the most essential doctrines-Various innovations-Original system of penance -the Penitential of Theodore, Archbishop of Canterbury-subsequent abuses-The intermediate state-Purgatory-Original object and gradual abuse of indulgences-in nature and in objectTranslation of an indulgence published by Tetzel-Prayers for the dead-Masses, public and private. The mystery of the Eucharist-The elevation of the Host-use of the bell-worship of the Host-Communion in one kind only-its object and impolicy-Prohibition of the Scriptures -Miraculous impostures-Saints, relics, &c.-More recent disputes and superstitions-on the ring of St. Catharine-and her Stigmata-on the Immaculate Conception-on the Worship due to the * Sixtus IV., when pressed, in 1472, by the king of France, to call a general council, openly pleaded, as an objection, the urgency of the Turkish war. It was out of season (the Pope replied) to demand the convocation of a council, which required considerable time, when the evil was pressing, and the progress of the Turks rendered the slightest delays prejudicial to religion; the other Christian princes had either kept their engagements, or were on the point of keeping them; and the king of France should rather join them in so holy a work, and permit the levying of tenths, and other charitable contributions, throughout his kingdom, &c. See Contin. Fleury, L. 113, s. 145.

blood of Christ-the inscription on the Cross-the reed and sponge. (2) Discipline and morals— Concubinage of the Clergy-Influence of the laity-Perpetual acknowledgment of Church abuses from St. Bernard downwards-Cardinal Ximenes-Benefits conferred by the Church-in ignorant ages-Truce of God-Exercise of charity-Law of asylum-penance, &c.—Original churacter of Monachism-Merits of the Mendicants-chiefly as Missionaries-their success in the thirteenth and fourteenth ages-Morality in the fifteenth century comprised in the Mystics and the lower Clergy-Progress and preservation of Mysticism in the Western Church-Great, though obscure, virtues of many of the inferior Clergy.

SECTION III. On various Attempts to reform or subvert the Church.

(1) Attempts at self-reform-The era of Boniface VIII.-subsequent decline-Necessity of some reform generally admitted-Designs of the Church reformers, as compared with the real nature of the corruptions confined wholly to matters of revenue and discipline-very imperfect even in that respect and never really enforced-Learning and blindness of the papal party-their momentary success-Progress of improvement and knowledge to final and certain triumph-Tardy reformation in the Roman Catholic Church. (2) Attempts of Protestants to trace their Church to the Apostolic times-how far successful-where they fail-Vaudois and Albigeois-Bohemian Brethren-Note on Bossuet-Errors of those Dissenters-On the Paulicians-On the Mystics-Real value and merit of the sects of the twelfth and following centuries. (3) Treatment of heretics by the ChurchCanon of Innocent III.-its fair explanation-consequence-Inquisition-Unity of the ChurchA more moderate party-Principle of intolerance adopted by the Laity also-Conduct of the Church in the fifteenth age. (4) On some individual witnesses of the truth-John of Wesalia-Wesselus-Jean Laillier-Savonarola-his history and pretensions-Erasmus. (5) Particular condition of Germany-Great scene of clerical licentiousness and papal extortion-Political hostilities of Rome and the Empire-Violation of the Concordats- The Hundred Grievances '-Thirst of the people for the Bible-Character of Leo X.- Conclusion.

SECTION I. On the Power and Constitution of the Roman Catholic

Church.

I-IN retracing the steps by which Papacy descended to that ground whereon it received its effectual overthrow, we shall observe in most of its elements signs of increasing corruption and decay; but there was one circumstance, in which its singular prosperity ran counter to the general current. The temporal monarchy of the Pope was at no former period so extensive and so secure as at the accession of Leo X. At no time had the limits of the Ecclesiastical States been so widely stretched, or the factions, which alienated the capital from the government of its Bishop, so depressed and helpless as then. We have shown, in former chapters, how the Pope's political authority originated under the Exarchs of Ravenna, through the neglect or weakness of the Eastern empire; and how it was rivetted by the vigour and the virtues of some who then occupied the Chair. Soon afterwards the domains of the See were formed and enlarged by Pepin and Charlemagne, though still held by the latter as a dependent portion of his empire.

We have mentioned the donation of Matilda to Gregory VII., and the exertions afterwards made to secure those various possessions. In this struggle, Innocent III., and some other Popes of the thirteenth century, obtained partial, though never permanent, successes; and the territories of Boniface VIII. were more respectable in magnitude, than united in allegiance and fidelity. But the secession to Avignon was the signal for general insubordination; on every side the Barons rose and seized whatever lay within their grasp; and the patrimony of St. Peter was torn in pieces by their petty ambition and rapacity *. y*.

Je regarde Rome (says Voltaire, Pyrrhonisme de l'Histoire) depuis le temps de l'Empereur Leo III. l'Isaurien, comme une ville libre, protégée par les Francs, ensuite par les Germains, qui se gouverne tant qu'elle put en république, plutôt sous le patronage que

The Schism followed: and, if the residence of an Antipope recovered some portion of that authority which had been forfeited by the absence of the Pope, yet it was not much that was resumed, nor was it held with firmness or confidence. But when the Schism had ceased, and a Bishop of undisputed legitimacy became again resident, though Martin, Eugenius, Nicholas, and Sixtus even then had some storms and reverses to encounter, the machine of temporal power upon the whole moved onwards; and at length, under the guidance of Alexander VI. and Julius II., it reached those ample boundaries, from which it has never since receded.

*

The dangerous feuds of the Colonna and Orsini were extinguished; the usurpations on the states of the Church were extorted from the nobles who had made them; even the turbulence of the Roman people was worn down by severity, or softened by luxury and licentiousness; and a compact and fruitful kingdom bowed in secular servitude before the sceptre of St. Peter.

The emperor Maximilian designed himself as the successor of Julius II. and solicited the votes of several members of the college, some little time before the death of that Pope. He did not strongly press his project; but the very attempt may show how little necessary any pretensions to the spiritual character were then thought for the enjoyment of the loftiest spiritual dignity. Julius was, in all essentials, a temporal prince; and had he not been so, he could scarcely have crowned his ambition with such extraordinary triumphs. Yet the spectacle of a secular and military Pope † was not well calculated to conciliate to the See, in the most critical moment of its history, the affection or respect of any description of Christians. The deep penetration of Julius may possibly have foreseen the approaching downfall of the spiritual supremacy, and for that reason he may have laboured the more zealously to give strength to the temporal fabric. If he did so, it was a wise and salutary providence; for, in that controversy so often raised-whether the secular dominion of the pope has tended, upon the whole, to increase or to diminish his general influence, there is ample room for difference, in respect to early times; but after the first movements of the Reformation, it is quite clear that it produced to him nothing but advantage: and from that moment the question rather becomes, whether any shred or fragment of his ghostly authority could have been saved without it.

sous la puissance des Empereurs, dans laquelle le souverain Pontife eut toujours le premier crédit, et qui enfin a été entièrement soumise aux Papes.' It is observed, that no Pope ever assumed the title of King of Rome. This subject is remarkably well treated by Gibbon, in his 49th chapter.

Gibbon has remarked, that Eugenius IV. was the last Pope expelled by the tumults of the Roman people (in 1434); and Nicholas V. (in 1447) the last importuned by the presence of the Emperor. The same writer places the last disorder of the Nobles of Rome under Sixtus IV. and considers the papal dominion to have become absolute about the year 1500. Machiavel (Prencipe, cap. xi.) has observed, that the great difficulty in crushing the two rival factions in Rome arose from the short reigns of the Popes, and the inconstancy of their policy: for when any Pontiff had succeeded in humbling one of those families, his successor might, very probably, raise it up again and depress the opposite. On the other hand, the existence of this feud accounted, in a great degree, for the temporal weakness of the Popes. At length, Alexander VI. and his son overthrew the Barons from motives of family ambition, and Julius II. reaped the fruits of their victory for the advantage of the Church.

+ A plausible precedent was afforded by the personal expedition made by that simple, pious Pontiff, Leo IX. against the Normans who so signally overthrew him. But it should be recollected, that Leo never repeated the experiment-his military thirst was satisfied by a single enterprise.

2 X

The enjoyment of secular power and pride by the Vicegerent of Him Argument for whose kingdom is not of this world, is justified on the the Pope's Secu- ground of his independence. It is plausibly maintained, that the Chief of the Ecumenic Church, scattered lar Monarchy. throughout so many nations, ought to stand unconstrained by any earthly potentate, and owe no other allegiance than that to heaven. The principle, which would prevent him from being a subject, compels him to be a monarch,-no other condition can be conceived, which could secure him from the control of the temporal sceptre. The above argument acquires some confirmation from the decline which did, in fact, take place in the pontifical domination during the exile at Avignon, though the Pope was there resident rather as a guest than as a subject, free from the direct authority of the prince, the slave only of his influence. In truth, the Catholic, after he has assumed the divine establishment of one spiritual universal monarchy, wants not sufficient plea for the maintenance of the temporal government, as secondary and subsidiary. the Protestant, thoughtfully surveying the perplexities, the intrigues, and the crimes in which a Christian Prelate is thus necessarily involved-the armies which he levies, the contributions which he extorts, the blood which he sheds-receives from the sad spectacle only fresh reason to doubt, whether the family of Christ has really been consigned to the rule of one, who can scarcely rule it in innocence.

But

And this remark is the more striking, because, when we reflect on the different wars which the Popes have waged in Italy, it really appears that they had, for the most part, the plea of justice. It was generally their object, (notwithstanding some deplorable exceptions,) not to make conquests in the dominions of others, but to defend or to recover their own. There was no province in Europe so harassed by rebellions and usurpations as the states of the Church. We need not pause to account for this circumstance; but it is unquestionably true that no other prince was so commonly liable to depredation and insult as the Pope. Accordingly, his wars were usually defensive, and (it may be) necessary-but that very necessity annihilated the pastoral character, and despiritualized the Vicar of Christ.

Again, these contests were not carried on without great expense; and the holy See, despoiled of its patrimony, was at the same The Tributes time deprived of its natural resources. Thence arose which he levied. an obligation to seek supplies in other quarters*; and with an obedient clergy and a superstitious people it was not difficult to make the whole of Christendom tributary. Once in possession of this ample treasury, and of the keys which unlocked its innumerable chambers, the Pontiff's explored and ransacked it without restraint, without decency, without discretion. Their emissaries were dreaded as the tax-gatherers of the Christian world. Their name was associated with donations, fees, contributions, exactions-with every name that is most vile and unpopular in secular governments. And thus, besides the great scandal thereby reflected upon themselves, they exhausted the affection, the endurance, and almost the credulity of the faithful. It is not that the monies thus levied were applied entirely to the defence of the Ecclesiastical States, or even that they were generally levied under that pretence;

This system no doubt began soon after the eleventh age, when the Popes were so commonly expelled from Rome, to Orvietto, Viterbo, Anagni, &c., and obliged to look to all parts of Christendom for their resources.