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all business and intrigue, mixes sufficiently for the purposes of intelligence in the conversation of the world.

Whatever language you in prudence assume to the public, you cannot but be sensible that the separation of those gentlemen who withdrew from the Bill of Rights was of considerable disservice to you. It required, in my opinion, your utmost dexterity and resolution, and not a little of your good fortune, to get the better of it. But are you now really upon the best ground on which Mr. Wilkes might stand in the city? Will you say that to separate Mr. Sawbridge from a connection every way hostile to you, and to secure him against the insidious arts of Mr. Horne, and the fury of Mr. Townshend (if it could be done without embarrassing your leading measures, and much more if it promoted them), would not give you a considerable personal gratification? Will you say that a public declaration of Mr. Sawbridge in your favour, and the appearance of your acting together (I do not speak at present of a hearty coalition or confidence), would not contribute to give you a more secure, a more permanent, and, without offence to any man, a more honourable hold upon the city than you have at present? What sensations do you conceive a union between you and Mr. Sawbridge would excite in the breast of Mr. Horne? Would it not amount to a decisive refutation of all the invidious arguments he has drawn from your being deserted by so many of the considerable figures of the party? The answer to these questions is too obvious to be mistaken. But you will say to yourself, what you would not confess to Junius :-"Mr. Sawbridge is a man of unquestionable probity, and the concurrence of his reputation would undoubtedly be of service to me; but he has not pliancy enough to yield to persuasion, and I, Wilkes, am determined not to suffer another to reap the harvest of my labours: that is, to take the lead of me in the city." Sir, I do not mean or expect that you should make such a sacrifice to any man. But besides difference in point of conduct between leading and going foremost, I answer your thoughts when I say, that although Mr. Sawbridge is not to be directed (and even this perhaps is not so literally and completely true as he himself imagines), on the other hand he does not mean to direct. His disposition, as you well know, is not fitted for that active manage ment and intrigue which acquire an operating popularity and

VOL. II.

direct the people by their passions. I attribute to you both the most honourable intentions for the public, but you travel different roads, and never can be rivals. It is not that Mr. Sawbridge does not wish to be popular; but, if I am not greatly mistaken, his virtues have not ostentation enough for the ordinary uses of party, and that they lead rather to the esteem of individuals than to popular opinion. This I conceive is exactly the man you want-you cannot always support a ferment in the minds of men. There will necessarily be moments of languor and fatigue; and upon these occasions Mr. Sawbridge's reputed firmness and integrity may be a capital resource to you-you have too much sagacity not to perceive how far this reasoning might be carried.

In the very outset you reap a considerable advantage, either from his acceptance or refusal. What a copious subject of ostentation!—what rich colours to the public! Your zeal to restore tranquillity to the city; the sacrifice of all personal recollections in favour of a man whose general character you esteem; the public good preferred to every private or interested consideration, with a long et cætera to your own advantage. Yet I do not mean to persuade you to so simple a part as that of contributing to gratify Mr. Sawbridge without a reciprocal assurance from him that, upon fair and honourable occasions, he will in return promote your advantage. Your own judgment will easily suggest to you such terms of acknowledgment as may be binding upon him in point of gratitude, and not offensive to his delicacy. I have not entered into the consideration of any objections drawn from the fertile field of provocation and resentment. Common men are influenced by common motives; but you, Sir, who pretend to lead the people, must act upon higher principles. To make our passions subservient to you, you must command your own. The man who, for any personal indulgence whatsoever, can sacrifice a great purpose to a little one, is not qualified for the management of great affairs.

Let me suppose, then, that every material difficulty on your part is removed; and that, as far as you alone are concerned, you would be ready to adopt the plan I propose to you.

If you are a man of honour you will still have a powerful objection to oppose to me. Admitting the apparent advantage to your own purposes, and to the cause you are engaged

in, you will tell me "that you are no longer at liberty to choose;―tnat the desertion of those persons who once pro fessed a warm attachment to you, has reduced you to a situa tion in which you cannot do that which is absolutely best;— that Mr. Crosby has deserved everything from you and from the city;—and that you stand engaged to contribute your whole strength to continue him another year in the mayoralty." My reply to this very just objection is addressed rather to Mr. Crosby than to Mr. Wilkes. He ought at all events to be satisfied; and if I cannot bring him over to my opinion, there is an end of the argument; for I do agree with you most heartily, that it is as gross a breach of policy as of morals, to sacrifice the man who has deserved well of us to any temporary benefit whatsoever. Far from meaning to separate you from Mr. Crosby, it is essential to the measure I recommend that it should be your joint act. Nay, it is he who in the first instance should open the communication with Mr. Sawbridge; nor is it possible for you to gain any credit by the measure in which he will not of necessity be a considerable sharer. But now for considerations which immediately affect Mr. Crosby.

Your plan, as I am informed, is to engage the livery to return him with Mr. Bridgen. In my own opinion the court of alderman will choose Bridgen; consequently the sacrifice I require of Mr. Crosby would in effect be nothing. That he will be defeated is to my judgment inevitable. It is for him to consider whether the idea of a defeat be not always attended with some loss of reputation. In that case, too, he will have forced upon the citizens (whom he professes to love and respect) a magistrate, upon whose odious and contemptible character he at present founds his only hopes of success. you think that the city will not once in the course of a twelvemonth be sensible of the displeasure you have done them? Or that it will not be placed in strong terms to your account? I appeal to Miss Wilkes, whose judgment I hear highly commended-would she think herself much indebted to her favourite admirer if he forced a most disagreeable partner upon her for a long winter's night, because he could not dance with her himself?

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You will now say,-" Sir, we understand the politics of the

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city better than you do, and are well assured that Mr. Crosby will be chosen lord mayor;-otherwise we allow that upon your plan he might acquire credit without forfeiting any real advantage." Upon this ground I expect you, for I confess it is incumbent upon me to meet your argument where it lies strongest against me. Taking it for granted, then, that Mr. Crosby may be lord mayor, I affirm that it is not his interest, because it is not his greatest interest. The little profit of the salary cannot possibly be in contemplation with him. I do not doubt that he would rather make it an expensive office to himself. His view must be directed then to the flattering distinction of succeeding to a second mayoralty, and, what is still more honourable, to the being thought worthy of it by his fellow-citizens. Placing this advantage in its strongest light, I say that every purpose of distinction is as completely answered by his being known to have had the employment in his power (which may be well insisted upon in argument, and never can be disproved by the fact) as by his accepting it. To this I add the signal credit he will acquire with every honest man by renouncing, upon motives of the clearest and most disinterested public spirit, a personal honour, which you may fairly tell the world was unquestionably within his reach. But these are trifles. I assert that by now accepting the mayoralty (which he may take hereafter whenever he pleases) he precludes himself from soliciting, with any colour of decency, a real and solid reward from the city. I mean that he should be returned for London in the next Parliament. I think his conduct entitles him to it, and that he cannot fail of succeeding, if he does not furnish his opponents with too just a pretence for saying that the city have already rewarded On the contrary, with what force and truth may he tell his fellow-citizens at the next election, "for your sakes I relinquished the honour you intended me. The common good required it. But I did not mean to renounce my hopes that upon a proper occasion you would honour me with a public mark of your approbation."

him.

You see I do not insist upon the good effects of Mr. Sawbridge's gratitude, yet I am sure it may be depended upon. I do not say that he is a man to go all lengths with Mr. Wilkes; but you may be assured that it is not danger that

will deter him, and that wherever you have the voice of the people with you, he will, upon principle, support their choice at the hazard of his life and fortune.

Now, Sir, supposing all objections are removed, and that you and Mr. Crosby are agreed, the question is in what manner is the business to be opened to Mr. Sawbridge. Upon this point, too, I shall offer you my opinion, because the plan of this letter would not otherwise be complete. At the same time I do very unaffectedly submit myself to your judgment.

I would have my lord mayor begin by desiring a private interview between him, Mr. Crosby*, and yourself. Very little preface will be necessary. You have a man to deal with who is too honourable to take an unfair advantage of you. With such a man you gain everything by frankness and candour, and hazard nothing by the confidence you repose in him. Notwithstanding any passages in this letter, I would show him the whole of it: in a great business there is nothing so fatal as cunning management; and I would tell him it contained the plan upon which Mr. Crosby and you were desirous to act, provided he would engage to concur in it boná fide, so far forth as he was concerned. There is one condition, I own, which appears to me a sine quá non; and yet I do not see how it can be proposed in terms, unless his own good sense suggests the necessity of it to him-I mean the total and absolute renunciation of Mr. Horne. It is very likely indeed that this gentleman may do the business for himself, either by laying aside the mask at once, or by abusing Mr. Sawbridge for accepting the mayoralty upon any terms whatsoever of accommodation with Mr. Wilkes.

This letter, Sir, is not intended for a correct or polished composition; but it contains the very best of Junius's understanding. Do not treat me so unworthily, or rather do not degrade yourself so much, as to suspect me of any interested view to Mr. Sawbridge's particular advantage. By all that's honourable I mean nothing but the cause; and I may defy your keenest penetration to assign a satisfactory reason why Junius, whoever he be, should have a personal interest in

Mr. Crosby was, at the date of this letter, Lord Mayor, and Junius or his printer has here, obviously through mistake, substituted his name for that of Mr. Sawbridge.

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