himself in equal credit with both parties, as a man who would do nothing to please either, if it were contrary to the public interest."

In B.C. 118 the consul Q. Marcius Rex attacked the Stoeni, an Alpine tribe. Strabo mentions an Alpine people named Stoni, but they lay too far east in the Alpine regions to be the Stoeni, mentioned in Livy's Epitome and by Orosius. These Stoeni are named Ligurians in the Fasti, which leads to the probable conclusion that they occupied some portion of the Maritime Alps, and stood in the way of the Romans, who wished to command a passage over the Alps into the south of France. The Stoeni were a poor but brave people, who had a few villages in some Alpine valley. Being surrounded by the Romans and seeing that they could make no resistance, they set fire to their cottages, killed their wives and children, and then threw themselves into the flames. The few who were made prisoners put an end to themselves by the sword, by hanging, or refusing to take food. Not one, not even a single child, survived of this unfortunate people. The consul had a triumph for this miserable success; so greedy were the Roman commanders of a distinction which was conferred on the Scipios for their great victories, and on a Roman general who performed no greater exploit than a body of French foragers in the Spanish war, when they surprised and plundered a village, and butchered the people with the priest at the altar.

In this year B.C. 118 it was proposed to settle a Roman colony in the south of France at Narbo (Narbonne). The Senate opposed this design, but the law for the establishment of the new colony was carried, and L. Crassus made a speech in favour of it. This speech was extant in Cicero's time, who says that it was a better speech than you could have expected from a youth of two-and-twenty; and what is more strange, this youth was appointed, as Cicero says, to settle the colony, or, as the Romans expressed it, to conduct the colonists to their new homes. We neither know the immediate occasion of this settlement being made, nor how the Romans obtained a footing in this part of France. It may have been invaded after the victories of Fabius and Domitius,

but all that is said in modern books about the conquest of that part of France which lies west of the Rhone and between the Cévennes and the sea is a fiction, for there is nothing about it in the antient authorities. However, the Romans must have seized some part of this country, or they could not have made a colony, which implies the giving of land to settlers. Narbo was an old native town which existed at least as early as the latter part of the sixth century before the Christian aera, for it was mentioned by Hecataeus. It was on the Atax (Aude), a small river which flowed through a salt lake into the sea. The coast at Narbonne is flat and unwholesome. The town belonged at this time either to the Volcae Arecomici or their neghbours on the west, the Volcae Tectosages. The Romans may have enlarged the place, but they certainly found a town on the spot, and their colony probably consisted chiefly of veterans who would be a garrison in Narbo. The possession of Narbo gave the Romans easy access to the fertile valley of the Garonne, and it was not long before they took and plundered Tolosa (Toulouse), which is on that river. This was an easier way of pushing their conquests in Gaul than by crossing the Cévennes. Narbo also commanded the road into Spain and the Roman province of Hispania Citerior or Tarraconensis. The distance from Narbonne to the pass in the eastern Pyrenees is fifty or sixty miles. The occupation of Narbo was undoubtedly followed by the improvement of the old road from Aix through Arles, Nîmes, and Béziers to Narbonne. Cicero in his oration for Fonteius describes Narbo as "a colony of Roman citizens, a watch-tower of the Roman people, and a bulwark opposed and placed in front of the nations in those parts." The establishment of Narbo caused the decline of the commercial prosperity of Massilia. In Strabo's time Narbo was the chief trading-place of all Gallia on the Mediterranean. A great variety of people distinguished by their national costume were attracted to this town by the trade. Even the tin of the north-west part of the Spanish peninsula and of Britain passed through this place, as it also did through Massilia. Narbo thus became a flourishing city, but the only remains of its Roman splendour are fragments of architecture, tombstones and inscriptions. The full name of the

town was Narbo Marcius or Martius, for the orthography is uncertain, nor can it be determined what was the cause of this addition to the old name of the place. With a view to the extension of the Roman power in Gallia the occupation of this position was good policy. The reasons for the Senate opposing the settlement of Narbo are unknown. Some modern writers have supposed that they have discovered them.

The colonization of Narbo may be considered as the epoch when the Romans finally settled the province of southern Gallia, which they generally named Gallia Provincia, and sometimes simply Provincia. From the time of Augustus it was named Narbonensis Provincia, and sometimes Gallia Braccata. It comprehended on the east all the country between the Rhone and the Alps. The most northeastern town in the Provincia was Geneva in the territory of the Allobroges. Massilia, the ally of Rome, remained a free city. On the west side of the Rhone from the latitude of Lugdunum (Lyon) the Cevenna, or range of the Cévennes, was the boundary of the Provincia, which included all the streams that flow into the Mediterranean as far as the eastern extremity of the Pyrenees. The limits of the Provincia were subsequently extended to Carcaso (Carcassone) and Tolosa (Toulouse); and it will appear afterwards that some additions were made to it even on the other side of the Cévennes. This country is a part of France which is separated by natural boundaries from the rest of that great empire, and in climate and products it is Italian rather than French. In the Provincia the Romans have left some of the noblest and most enduring of their great works. But the Provincia, though it was finally settled in its general limits by the colonization of Narbo, was still a dubious possession, till Caesar carried his victorious arms over all Gallia, and finally subdued the warlike inhabitants from the Pyrenees to the Rhine.

In this year (B.c. 118) died Micipsa, king of Numidia, and the son of Massinissa, the ally of the Romans. When the dominions of Carthage were limited after the second Punic war, Massinissa obtained part of them, and also the kingdom of Syphax. His power then extended from the river Mulucha, the eastern boundary of Mauretania, to the Cyrenaica.

The little territory that remained to Carthage was bounded by the sea on two sides, and by the dominions of Massinissa on the west and south. Massinissa died in B.C. 148, and his son Micipsa after the death of his two brothers finally possessed the whole of his large kingdom. Micipsa also was a steady friend to the Romans and to his own interests. He is said to have embellished Cirta, his royal residence, and to have invited there many educated Greeks with whom he associated, dividing his time in his old age between the care of his kingdom and philosophy. When his death was approaching, he summoned his two sons Adherbal and Hiempsal, and his brother's bastard son Jugurtha, whom he had adopted. By his testament Micipsa had left the kingdom to his two children and Jugurtha, which he thought to be the best way of securing the gratitude of Jugurtha, whose abilities and ambition he knew and feared. The dying king reminded Jugurtha of his past kindness and that he had treated him like a son: he besought him to love his adopted brothers, and to live in union with them. Then turning to his two children he exhorted them to respect a man who had so greatly distinguished himself, one who was their superior in age and wisdom. Sallust, who has reported the king's last words, also informs us that Jugurtha, though he knew that the king was not expressing his real sentiments, but only disguising his fears, gave him a consoling answer. few days after the king died, and was buried with royal magnificence. Then the three brothers met about the important business of dividing this rich inheritance; and as a matter of course after the funeral came the quarrel. Hiempsal and Adherbal were younger than Jugurtha, and very inferior to him in ability and cunning. Jugurtha was fit for hard military service when he joined Scipio before Numantia in B.C. 134, at which time Adherbal and Hiempsal were only children. He could therefore be hardly less than five-and-thirty years of age at Micipsa's death, and there was probably difference of ten or fifteen years between the bold bastard and the two legitimate children. When the three princes came together, Hiempsal the youngest, who was of an arrogant temper and despised Jugurtha as the son of a concubine,

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took his seat on his brother's right hand, instead of Jugurtha's left, because he did not wish Jugurtha to be in the middle, which was the place of honour among the Numidians when three were sitting together. Adherbal with great difficulty prevailed on Hiempsal to pay respect to Jugurtha's age and to move to the other side. While they were discussing affairs of state, Jugurtha said that every thing which had been done by Micipsa within the last five years ought to be declared void, for during all this time Micipsa owing to his great age was not in full possession of his faculties. Hiempsal replied that he was of the same mind, for it was within the last three years that Jugurtha by adoption had acquired a claim to the kingdom. Here or in another passage Sallust has made a mistake, for he had said that Jugurtha was adopted by Micipsa immediately after his return from Numantia, and Numantia was destroyed in B.c. 133. The words of Hiempsal were not forgotten by Jugurtha. Indignation and fear prompted him to get rid of a youth who had openly declared his hostility; and an opportunity soon occurred.

This first meeting showed that the brothers could not reign together, and accordingly it was agreed to divide the money which Micipsa had left, and to make a partition of the kingdom. The division of the money was the first matter to be settled, and the princes went off to the parts in or near which the money was kept, and each went to a different place, as the writer of the Jugurthine war says, but his meaning is very obscure. However Hiempsal went to a town named Thirmida, and shut himself up there. He lodged in the house of a man who had once been in the service of Jugurtha and much about him. Jugurtha in some way met with the man again, made him great promises and prevailed on him to go to Thirmida on the pretence of visiting his house, and to get a key made which would open the town gates; for the keys of the gates were always carried to Hiempsal. Jugurtha said that when the time came he would be at the town with a large force. The man quickly did the business, and as he was instructed, let Jugurtha's soldiers into the town by night. The men broke into the houses and went about looking for the king. Some people were killed in