have the certain conclusion that this campaign of Metellus was in the countries in and about the middle course of the Bagradas and east of that river. Again, Metellus as we shall see withdrew into the province Africa after his unsuccessful attempt on Zama, and spent the winter there. Metellus, as Sallust has explained, did not go to Africa till a good part of the season for fighting was over, and he spent some time in restoring discipline in his army before he took the field. It is certain therefore that the time for military operations before he retired into winter quarters was not very long, and that some of Sallust's vague talk means nothing, and that little else was done in this campaign beyond that which he has particularly described.

El Kef is placed in Pellissier's map in 36° 10' N. lat. east of the Mejerda and also east of that branch of the Mejerda which is named Wad Mealegue in his map. The identity of Sicca and Kef is proved by an inscription which has been copied by Pellissier, and was also copied by Shaw above a hundred years ago. The modern town is on the slope of a volcanic mountain, and has a plentiful source of water. Sicca was afterwards a Roman colony, and had also the name Veneria; for the goddess Venus, or some goddess whom the Romans supposed to represent Venus, had a temple here in which women prostituted themselves; from which we may conclude that Sicca was a place visited by merchants. Kef is still the chief town of the west part of the Regency of Tunis, with a population of six thousand, according to Pellissier's estimate. The site of Zama is fixed by Pellissier at Zouam, near the east bank of the Mejerda, in 36° 32′ N. lat. The resemblance of the name and the distance from Carthage, five days' march according to Polybius, are however the only reasons for fixing the site of Zama at Zouam, unless we add the fact that Sallust says that Zama was in a plain, and Zouam is in the level part of the valley of the Mejerda.

Jugurtha advanced by night upon Sicca with a choice body of cavalry. He found the Romans just leaving the place by the gate, and he attacked them, at the same time calling on the townsmen to fall on the enemy's rear. Marius promptly answered the king's attack, and got all his men out of Sicca

as soon as he could, for fear that the people might change sides. The soldiers of Jugurtha were kept together a short time by the king's exertions, but they could not resist the steady discipline of Romans commanded by Marius. A few were killed and the rest dispersed. Marius reached Zama in safety. This town was situated, as already observed, in a plain, protected by a good wall, and defended by a numerous garrison well furnished with arms. Metellus attempted to take the town by storm. The slingers were placed at a distance to drive the enemy from the ramparts, while the soldiers approached to undermine the walls and to fix the scaling-ladders. But the garrison rolled large stones upon the assailants, and showered down pointed stakes, missiles, pitch, and blazing pieces of split pine steeped in sulphur. The Romans who were further from the wall were reached with javelins hurled by the men or sent from the military engines.

While the fight was going on about the walls of Zama, Jugurtha suddenly appeared and fell on the Roman camp. The men who were left in charge of the camp were taken off their guard, and the Numidians forced their way in by the gate. Some of the Romans fled, some snatched up their arms, but a great many were killed or wounded. Only about forty of the whole number behaved like soldiers. They occupied a piece of ground a little elevated, and defended themselves against the attacks of the enemy. Metellus hearing shouts behind him turned round and saw that men were running towards him, from which he rightly concluded that they were his own people. He immediately sent off all the cavalry to the camp, as Sallust says, but he does not explain what the cavalry were doing about the walls of Zama; and he also despatched C. Marius with the cohorts of the Italian allies. The Numidians could not get out of the camp so easily as they got in, and the king at last retired leaving many of his men dead behind him. Metellus failed in the attack on Zama and returned to his camp at night. The next day Metellus renewed the attack on Zama, having first placed all his cavalry before the camp on the side where the king might be expected to approach. Jugurtha came again

with his horsemen mingled with the light infantry, who fought after the fashion of the German combined cavalry and infantry, as Caesar describes it in the Gallic war. The town was assaulted again and defended with equal vigour. Whenever the Romans made a pause in the furious attack, the attention of the townsmen was fixed on the fight between the cavalry and Jugurtha. Marius seeing this ordered his men to rest for a time and to allow the defenders of Zama to observe their king without being disturbed. Seizing the opportunity, while the men on the walls were intent on watching Jugurtha, the Romans planted their ladders and were just going to mount the walls, when showers of stones, missiles, and fire were hurled upon them. Some of the ladders were broken, and the men dashed down. A large part of the assailants were wounded. Night put an end to the assault, and Metellus withdrew from the town, which had been bravely and successfully defended.

The season was over, and Metellus, after placing garrisons in those towns which had surrendered and were strong enough either by their natural position or by their walls to keep out the enemy, led his troops back to that part of the province Africa which was nearest to Numidia. Utica was probably his head quarters. He did not, as Sallust remarks, spend the winter like other generals in inactivity or luxury. Metellus knew how to employ his leisure. As the campaign had not ended in the capture of Jugurtha, he again attempted to take off the king by treachery, and he opened a communication with Bomilcar, who was Jugurtha's most confidential adviser,. and therefore the fittest for the consul's purpose. Bomilcar secretly came to Metellus, and received a promise that, if he would give up the king either alive or dead, he should have a full pardon from the Roman Senate and be allowed to keep all his property. The treacherous Numidian accepted the consul's terms, for he was afraid that if Jugurtha made peace with the Romans his own punishment would be one of the conditions. On the first opportunity that he had, Bomilcar entreated Jugurtha to think of his own interests and those of his people who had served him well. He reminded him that

the Numidians had always been beaten, that the country was ravaged, many of his subjects had been killed, and the resources of the kingdom were exhausted: he warned him that if he did not do what was best for his people, they might do it themselves. The king yielded to these suggestions, and sent ambassadors to the consul to offer an unconditional submission. Metellus summoned from their quarters all the men of senatorian rank, and formed a council of war of them and others whose advice and presence he considered to be useful. In this he acted according to the Roman practice: and probably he wished to protect himself from any charge of selling the interests of Rome, as his predecessors had done. The council demanded of Jugurtha through his ambassadors an enormous amount of silver, all his elephants, and some arms and horses. This demand was immediately satisfied, it is said, though it is difficult to believe that Jugurtha could find silver enough to meet the requisition. The next demand was the surrender of all the men who had deserted to him from the Romans. A large part of them was given up, but a few as soon as they discovered what was going on escaped and went to Mauretania to king Bocchus. Sallust says not a word of the punishment of these deserters. Perhaps he assumed that every body would know that they were put to death. Orosius somewhere found that the number of deserters who were surrendered was above three thousand; and Appian has recorded their fate. The men were Thracians and Ligurians. Metellus cut off the hands of some, which was a common Roman punishment. He buried others in the ground up to the belly, and then ordered his men to make a mark of them for their arrows and javelins; and at last he put fire to them, while they were still alive. The king being now stripped of arms, men, and money, was summoned to Tisidium to receive the final orders of the consul. Tisidium is an unknown place. Freinsheim has named it Tysdrus, which is a well-known position, now El Jem, in the Byzacium; but there could be no reason for Metellus being there, and the subsequent narrative of Sallust proves that Tisidium is not Tysdrus. The king now began to reflect on his situa

tion, and, says the historian, the consciousness of his crimes made him fear that he should be punished. But he may have had other well-grounded causes for fear in the treachery of his own officers and the belief that Metellus would carry him to Rome. After long deliberation he refused to go to the consul and made preparations for continuing the war.

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