left in the eastern part of his dominions. But this Thala of Pellissier (34° 12′ N. lat.) is only about fifteen miles east of Capsa, and it would be strange if Metellus did not attempt to take Capsa also when he was so near it. The exploration of the Regency of Tunis is laborious and is still far from complete. It is laborious also to examine the books and maps of Tunisian travellers, and the result is not satisfactory. Jugurtha may have kept moving about somewhere not far from Thala till he heard of the capture of the place. He then went to the country of the Gaetuli, who knew nothing of the Romans. The Tunisian part of this border of the great desert is named the Belad-el-Jerid, or land of palms, which contains at intervals the little islands of verdure and fertility named Oases by the Greeks. Jugurtha got together a number of these men of the desert, and, as Sallust says, endeavoured to drill them after Roman fashion. The historian's words mean that he tried to raise a force of infantry among them, which may be a mistake. These people of the desert would be horsemen. In order to make the narrative of Sallust consistent, we must assume that Jugurtha moved westward till he approached the borders of Mauretania, the kingdom of Bocchus, for he is said to have given much money to those who were about the king or most in his confidence, and to have promised more, if they could induce Bocchus to join in the war against the Romans. This was not so difficult to do, because in the beginning of the war Bocchus had sent ambassadors to Rome to ask for a treaty and friendship with the Romans, foresceing, like a prudent man, that Jugurtha might be robbed of Numidia, and that his own turn might come next. But though this Mauretanian alliance would have been very useful to Rome in her African campaign, a few men in the Senate had prevented it, and for no other reason, we are told, than because Bocchus had not bought their support. These jobbers were the men who would sell any thing for money. Jugurtha was indeed the son-in-law of Bocchus, but that, as Sallust observes, was a weak bond of union between Numidians and Mauri, for among these people a man had as many wives as he chose or could maintain: some men had ten, others even more, and

great personages like kings could of course have any number. "Thus the affection of the husband is distracted by a number of objects: no one is a companion for him; all are equally indifferent to him." In these few words the historian has well described the nature of polygamy, which destroys that inward conjunction which is the essence of love. Sallust wrote like a Roman and conformably to the Roman notion of marriage, which was viewed as a union between one male and one female of all their interests and spiritual affections.

The two kings met with their forces at a place appointed for a conference, and promised to support one another. Jugurtha, who knew the Romans well, had no difficulty in making Bocchus understand the ambitious policy of Rome, and that the Romans were the enemies of every other power. After forming this league the kings advanced to Cirta, where Metellus, it is said, had placed his booty, his prisoners, and all the heavy material of war. This is the first time we learn that the Romans were in possession of Cirta, but the history of the campaign gives us no information of the manner in which this strong town had been occupied by Metellus; and this omission is one of the many proofs of the imperfect narrative of the war. Jugurtha hoped to seize the town before Metellus could come there, or that if he did come to its relief, there would be a battle, and so Bocchus would of necessity be entangled in hostilities with the Romans. The Numidian king was a clever unscrupulous man. Unless he dragged Bocchus into war against the Romans, he feared that the Mauretanian might change again.

Metellus heard of this league between Jugurtha and Bocchus. He had probably moved westward after the capture of Thala, and we now find him, without any explanation by the historian, in a camp not far from Cirta, waiting for the two kings. The Mauri were a new enemy, and the proconsul thought it prudent not to fight with them for the first time without the advantage of choosing his own position. While he was in his camp he received letters from Rome, which informed him that the command of the African army was given to Marius. Metellus already knew that Marius was

elected consul for the next year. The Senate had determined to continue Metellus in the command for another year, but a rogatio or bill was proposed by the tribune Manlius Mancinus to the popular assembly, the terms of which rogatio, as they are reported, were that the people should name a general for the war against Jugurtha. But there is no doubt that the bill was in form a bill for the appointment of Marius, and that his name and no other was in it. A great majority voted for the bill, and Marius received the command. The people of Rome had the pleasure of choosing their own general; and it happened that they made a good choice. Perhaps the Senate had no power to prolong the command of Metellus, and it has been conjectured that the Lex Sempronia de Provinciis did not allow them to do so; but this is a matter which cannot be determined.

Metellus was greatly vexed at hearing that he was superseded. He shed tears in abundance, as was usual with all these Romans when they were in any way greatly moved; nor is there any reason for doubting this flow of tears in antient times, because we have drier eyes. Nor could he restrain his tongue, which is a greater sign of weakness than the shedding of tears. Sallust affirms that he had ascertained that Metellus was more vexed at the honour given to Marius than at the slight put on himself, and that he would not have been so much vexed if the command of the army had been given to any other man. We can readily believe this without any proof.

In this mood Metellus took no active measures against the enemy, nor does it appear that the enemy disturbed him. The Roman commander did not choose to hazard his own reputation, or to gain a victory of which his successor would reap the profit. He employed his time in sending men to King Bocchus to urge him not to begin hostilities against the Romans, when he had no sufficient cause. He gave this Mauretanian excellent advice about the danger and uncertainty of war. His best remarks were probably derived from the wise speech of Archidamus in the first book of Thucydides, which every statesman should read before he resolves

upon war. If Metellus did not take his excellent precepts from the Greek historian, Sallust perhaps did it for him. The king of the Mauri professed his wish for peace, but he wished to secure peace also for his dear son-in-law. The negotiation went on, though nothing was concluded; and Metellus accomplished his purpose of avoiding any further hostilities while he was with the army.

CHAPTER XXIX.

C. MARIUS AND JUGURTHA.

B.C. 107-106.

THE arrogance of Marius was increased by his success. He was a boastful, presumptuous man, but he was also a man who made his deeds as good as his words. It was his manner to express his contempt for the Roman nobility, and most of them were well worthy of it. His acquisition of the consulship and of the command of the Numidian army he considered as a triumph over the effeminacy of the rich and the degenerate nobles of Rome.

But while he was talking he was busy too. He set about raising fresh men for the war, and it is likely that they were wanted. Many soldiers must have been lost or disabled under the burning sun of Africa; and the men of Italy were still required to oppose the barbarians who threatened the northern frontier, to keep in order the people bordering on the province Macedonia, and the restless natives of the Spanish peninsula. Accordingly he called for men to recruit the African legions, and for auxiliary troops from the Italian allies, and especially from the Latini. The kings' too, we are told, were required to send troops, but Sallust has not said what kings in alliance with Rome owed this duty to the Romans. It is probable that this word in Sallust's narrative is merely rhetorical and not historical. The Senate disliked the man, but they refused nothing that he demanded. They gladly ordered a conscription for the legions, because they thought that the people would resist, and thus Marius would either not be able to find all the men that he wanted, or if he did succeed in getting them together he would lose his