jealousy by the principal sovereigns of Christendom; and might entertain apprehensions, that notwithstanding the devotion and subservience of the Florentines, he might, by too severe a pressure, occasion an elasticity and resistance, which would entirely throw off his authority. On the other hand, to restore the Florentines to the full enjoyment of their ancient liberties, although the attempt would have conferred great honour on the pontiff, would have been a total surrender of that power and influence which his family had maintained for so many years, and preserved by so many sacrifices; nor could it with certainty be presumed, that the citizens of Florence were now capable of preserving the palladium of their freedom, even if the pontiff had been inclined to restore it to them. In this emergency, Leo judged it expedient to resort to the advice of Nicolo Machiavelli, whose general knowledge on political subjects, and whose intimate acquaintance with the state of his native place, pointed him out as the fittest person to be consulted on such an occasion. The memorial which Machiavelli presented to the pope on this subject yet remains, and like his other works, contains many acute remarks, without, however, unfolding those extensive views which the nature of the inquiry, and the circumstances of the times, seem to have required. In taking a retrospect of the ancient state of Florence, he observes, that the fluctuations which it has experienced are to be attributed to its having been neither strictly a republic, nor an absolute government. This mixed or intermediate state he considers as the most difficult of any to maintain, because, as he asserts, an absolute dominion is only in danger of being dissolved by one cause, that of inclining towards a republic, and, in like manner, a republic is only in danger by inclining towards a monarchy; but a mixed government is in constant danger from two causes, and may be destroyed by inclining too much towards either republicanism or despotism. On this account he advises the pontiff to adopt either the one or the other of these definite forms of government, and either to erect an absolute sovereignty, or to establish a perfect republic. He then proceeds to show, that the choice of these two forms must depend on the condition and character of the people, and particularly, that a sovereignty can only be supported where there is great diversity of wealth and of rauk, whilst a republic, on the contrary, requires a considerable

degree of equality among its citizens, of which he adduces several instances. Under the latter description he includes the inhabitants of Florence, and thence takes occasion to sketch a form of government which he denominates a republic, but in which he gives to the pontiff, and to the cardinal de' Medici, such a preponderating influence, by the nomination, during their lives, of the persons intrusted with the supreme authority, as must inevitably prevent the exercise of that liberty on which alone a popular government can be founded. To restore the freedom of the republic seems, however, to have been the chief object which Machiavelli had in view; but conceiving that there was no probability that the pontiff and the cardinal could be prevailed on voluntarily to relinquish their authority, he was induced to relax in his purpose, and to propose that the republic should not enjoy its full liberties until after their death. "If this plan," says he, "be considered without reference to the authority of your holiness, it will be found in every respect sufficient to answer the purpose intended; but during the lifetime of your holiness and the cardinal, it is a monarchy; because you command the army, you control the criminal judicature, you dictate the laws, insomuch, that I know not what more can be required in a state." At the same time that he thus endeavoured to satisfy the pope as to the continuance of his power, he attempted to awake in him the desire of being considered as the founder or the restorer of the liberties of his native place. "I conceive,' says he, "that the greatest honour which a man can enjoy, is that which is voluntarily given him by his country; and 1 believe the greatest good we can do, and that which is most acceptable to God, is that which we do for our country. On this account there are no persons held in such high honour as they who, by their institutions and laws, have reformed a republic or a kingdom. These are they who, next to the gods, have been thought entitled to the highest praise. But as the opportunities for this purpose are few, and as the number of those persons who know how to make use of them is still fewer, so we find that this great undertaking has seldom been performed. Such, however, is the honour attending it, as to have induced many persons who could not accomplish it in reality, to attempt it in their writings; as Aristotle, Plato, and many others, who have been desirous of showing to the world that if they had not,

like Solon or Lycurgus, been able to establish a civil commu nity, it did not arise from want of ability, but of a proper oppor tunity for carrying their ideas into effect."

The system thus proposed by Machiavelli was not, however, adopted by the pontiff. From the important changes which had taken place in Europe, and particularly in Italy, the state of Tuscany was not merely to be considered as an independent government, but as affected by the powerful influence of its foreign relations, and as combining at this juncture with the Roman see to give strength and importance to the pontiff, in the great attempts which he now meditated. It is probable, too, that, for reasons sufficiently obvious, neither Leo nor the cardinal thought it advisable that the commencement of the freedom of the republic should depend, as a simultaneous event, on the termination of their own lives. Under these circumstances, Leo resolved to permit the Florentines to continue the established forms of their government; but, at the same time, he retained such a control over their proceedings, as he thought would be necessary, not only to repress their internal dissensions, but to secure their conformity to the views and interests of the family of the Medici and of the Roman see. A few days prior to the death of Lorenzo, Leo had dispatched to Florence the cardinal de' Medici, who now assumed the superintendence of the state, and under the directions of the pontiff, established such regulations as were calculated to ensure its tranquillity, without further encroachments on its municipal rights The conduct of the cardinal during his residence at Florence, which continued nearly two years, furnishes a decisive proof both of his talents and his moderation, and notwithstanding his future dignity, may be considered as the most brilliant period of his life. By his intimate aquaintance with the state of the city, and the views and temper of the opposing factions, he was enabled to allay their dissensions, or to defeat their projects. Without imposing extraordinary burthens on the people, he discharged the public debts, and replenished the treasury with considerable sums. Under his influence, the commerce of the city again revived, and the inhabitants began with confidence to employ their capitals in the acquisition of additional wealth.

Nerli Commentar. lib. vi. p. 133.

*

Whilst by these measures the cardinal acquired the respect and attachment of the Florentines, he evinced his prudence and his fidelity by maintaining a strict intercourse with the Roman see, and a due submission to the supreme pontiff; to whose advice he constantly resorted on all doubtful points, and to whose directions he strictly and faithfully conformed.

The power which Leo X. possessed over the duchy of Urbino was yet more absolute than that which he enjoyed in the Florentine state. By the tenor of the investiture, the sovereignty had been extended, in default of males, to the female offspring of Lorenzo, and his infant daughter was now entitled to the ducal sceptre; but the disadvantages which might arise from such a government were easily foreseen, and Catherina, under the care of her powerful relatives, was reserved for a still higher destiny. To any reconciliation between its former sovereign and Leo X. the animosities which had arisen between them, in the course of the contest in which they had been engaged, had placed an insuperable bar; and even if the pontiff had been inclined to an accommodation, the restoration of the duchy of Urbino to the duke could only have been considered as an acknowledgment, on the part of the pope, tha: in expelling him from his dominions he had committed an act of injustice. Having therefore first dismembered the duchy of Urbino of the fortress of S. Leo, and the district of Montefeltro, which he gave to the Florentines as a compensation for the expenses incurred, and the services rendered by them in the acquisition of these domains, he annexed the remainder of that territory, with its dependent states of Pesaro and Sinigaglia, to the dominions of the church.

CHAPTER XIX.

1519-1521.

Progress of the Reformation-Leo X. endeavours to conciliate Luther-Con ferences between Luther and Miltitz-Public disputation at Leipsic-Luther is prevailed upon to write to the pope-Sarcastic tenor of his letter-His doctrines condemned at Rome-Purport of the papal buil-Its reception at Wittemberg-Luther publicly burns the bull, with the decretals of the church-He endeavours to obtain the favour of the emperor-Aleandro papal legate to the imperial court-Harangues the diet of the empire against Luther-Luther cited to appear before the diet-His journey to WormsHis first appearance before the assembly-His second appearance-He rcfuses to retract his writings-Observations on his conduct-The emperor declares his opinion-Further efforts to prevail upon Luther to retractCondemned by an imperial edict-Is privately conveyed to the castle of Wartburg-Henry VIII. writes against Luther-Reformation of Switzerland by Zuinglius-Conduct and character of Luther-His bold assertion of the right of private judgment-His inflexible adherence to his own opinion→→ Uncharitable spirit of the first reformers-Effects of the Reformation on literary studies-On the fine arts-On the political and moral state of Europe.

THE death of the emperor Maximilian, and the negotiations and intrigues occasioned by the election of his successor, Charles V., had for a time withdrawn the attention of the court of Rome from the proceedings of Luther. Of this opportunity he and his followers had availed themselves to spread his opinions, both by preaching and writing, through various parts of Germany. The effect of these exertions was most visible in Saxony, where, during the vacancy of the imperial throne, the vicarial authority had devolved on the elector Frederick; who, if he did not openly espouse the cause of the Reformation, at least raised no obstructions to its progress. Under his protection the new opinions gained considerable strength; and as his reputation for integrity, talents, and personal worth, was equal to that of any sovereign of his time, the partiality which he manifested to Luther greatly contributed to the success of the efforts of that daring innovator.*

* Luther in præf. ad Op.