The Prince of Wales (of whom I have spoken before) had landed in England before this battle, and had joined his forces with those of the Dukes of Exeter and Somerset, and several others of their family and party; so that in all (as I have been informed by those who were in that army) they amounted to above 40,000 men. If the Earl of Warwick had stayed till he had been joined by those forces, in all probability they had won the day. But the fear he had of the Duke of Somerset, whose father and brother he had put to death* and the hatred he bore to Queen Margaret, mother to the Prince of Wales, induced him to fight alone, without waiting for them. By this example we may observe how long old animosities last, how highly they are to be feared in themselves, and how destructive and dangerous they are in their consequences. As soon as King Edward had obtained this victory, he marched against the Prince of Wales, and there he had another great battlef; for though the Prince of Wales's army was more numerous than the king's, yet King Edward got the victory; and the Prince of Wales ‡, several other after the battle of Tewkesbury, but whether he died a natural or violent death is uncertain. It is pretended, and was generally believed, that the Duke of Gloucester killed him with his own hands; but the universal odium which that prince has incurred, inclined perhaps the nation to aggravate his crimes, without any sufficient authority. It is certain, however, that Henry's death was sudden; and, though he laboured under an ill state of health, this circumstance, joined to the general manners of the age, gave a natural ground of suspicion, which was rather increased than diminished by the exposing of his body to public view." * The Earl of Warwick was not personally the cause of their death. Edmund Beaufort, Duke of Somerset, lost his life at the battle of St. Albans, on the 23rd of May, 1455, commanding the army opposed to that of which Warwick was the leader. The two sons of this Duke of Somerset, Edmund and John, were slain in the battle of Tewkesbury. †This battle was fought near Tewkesbury, in Gloucestershire, on the 4th of May, 1471. "Queen Margaret and her son," says Hume, "were taken prisoners, and brought to the king, who asked the prince, in an insulting manner, how he dared to invade his dominions? The young prince, more mindful of his high birth than of his present fortune, replied that he came thither to claim his just inheritance. The ungenerous Edward, insensible to pity, struck him on the face with his gauntlet: and the Dukes of Clarence and Gloucester, Lord Hastings, and Sir Thomas great lords, and a great number of common soldiers, were killed upon the spot, and the Duke of Somerset, being taken, was beheaded the next day. In eleven days the Earl of Warwick had gained the whole kingdom of England, or at least reduced it to his obedience. In twenty-one days King Edward recovered it again, but it cost him two great and desperate battles to regain it. And thus you have an account of the revolutions of England. King Edward caused numbers of persons to be put to death in many places, especially those that were guilty of any confederacy against him. Of all nations in the world, the English are most inclined to such battles. After this fight, King Edward enjoyed continual peace till his death, yet not without some troubles and afflictions of mind; but I shall forbear saying any more about English affairs, till I can do it more conveniently in another place. CH. VIII.-How the War was renewed between King Louis and the Duke of Burgundy at the Solicitation of the Dukes of Guienne and Bretagne. 1471. THE place where I broke off relating our affairs on this side the water, was at the Duke of Burgundy's departing from before Amiens*, the king's retreat into Touraine, and his brother the Duke of Guienne's return into his own province. The Duke of Guienne still persisted in his solicitation for the marriage, to which he pretended, with the Duke of Burgundy's daughter, as I have already said. The Duke of Burgundy seemed to entertain it very kindly, and to be pleased with his proposals, yet never suffered it to come to any conclusion, but admitted of every new overture that was made; nor could he ever forget the stratagem they had made use of to force him to consent to this match. The Count of St. Paul, Constable of France, had a great desire to be the main instrument in this marriage; the Duke of Bretagne had also a design to be the principal manager himself; and Gray, taking the blow as a signal for further violence, hurried the prince into the next apartment, and there despatched him with their daggers “ Commines says erroneously that he fell on the field. On the 10th of April, 1471. the king's chief business was, if possible, to break it off. But his majesty might have spared his pains, for the two reasons which I have mentioned before; besides, the Duke of Burgundy had no mind to have his son-in-law so powerful, but designed to make his advantage of his daughter, and advance his own interest by entertaining everybody; so that the king lost his pains. But not being able to dive into another man's thoughts, he had good reason to be afraid, for by this marriage his brother would have grown very considerable, and, in conjunction with the Duke of Bretagne, might have embroiled the king's affairs, and brought his children into very dangerous circumstances. In the meantime several ambassadors went both publicly and privately to negotiate this affair. The going and coming of ambassadors in this manner is sometimes very dangerous; for many ill things are often transacted by them, and yet there is necessity of sending and receiving them. Those who read this chapter may perhaps demand what expedient I can propose to remedy this inconvenience. I am sensible there are many persons better qualified to treat of this subject than myself; yet this I shall venture to say, that ambassadors who come from true friends, where there is no ground of suspicion, ought, in my judgment, to be treated with abundance of freedom and openness; and, if the quality of the persons permit, should be often admitted to the king's presence, provided the prince be wise and affable, for otherwise the less he is seen the better; and whenever he gives audience he ought to be magnificently dressed, well prepared in his answers, and not permitted to hold any long discourse, for the friendship between princes is not of long duration. If ambassadors are sent in a public or private capacity between princes that are in continual hatred and war with one another, as all those that I have known and been conversant with in my time have been, in my opinion they are not greatly to be trusted. However, they are to be honourably received and civilly entertained; for to send to meet them, to lodge them in handsome apartments, and to appoint honest and discreet persons to attend them, is safe as well as civil; for thereby * See the instructions given by the king to M. du Bouchage on this subject, in Lenglet, iii. 160. you not only discover what persons they generally converse with, but also prevent fickle and mutinous people from resorting to them with news, and there is no court without some mal-contents. Again, I would advise that they have their audience and despatch as soon as possible, for to me it seems dangerous to keep an enemy in one's house; but to feast them, to bear their expenses, and to make them presents, is but honourable. Moreover, though war be proclaimed, no treaty nor overture of peace ought to be interrupted, for nobody knows what occasion they may have of them hereafter, but all should be carried on smoothly, and all messengers be heard as before; yet a strict eye is to be kept upon such as have any discourse with them, or are sent to them with any message either by night or day; and this should be managed with as much secrecy as possible. Were it my case, for one ambassador or message they sent me, I would be sure to send them two; nay, though they grew weary, and desired to have no more, I would not fail to send when I had opportunity and convenience, for there is no spy so good or so safe, nor who can have such liberty to pry and inform himself; and if you send two or three ambassadors at once, it is impossible the enemy should be so cautious, but that one or other of them may secretly or otherwise pick up something to serve their turn; I mean, if they carry themselves civilly towards them, as they ought to do to ambassadors. It is also to be supposed a wise prince will make it his business to place some friend or other about his enemy, and ward him off as long as he can; for in such cases a prince cannot do always as he would. But perhaps it may be objected, that this is but the way to puff up your enemy, and make him more proud. It is no matter if it does; I shall know the more of his councils, and at the making up of our accounts, the whole profit and honour will be mine. Though the enemy should have the same designs upon me, I would not forbear sending, but listen to all propositions without rejecting any, that I might always have fresh occasion to send; for all men have not an equal share of wisdom and penetration, neither have they as much experience in such affairs, nor is there any necessity that they should have; yet in this case, the wisest is always the most fortunate, and of this I will give you a clear and undeniable proof. Never was there any treaty between the French and the English, but the French always overreached them by their sense and ability, insomuch that, as I have been told, the English have a common proverb among them, That in all, or most, of their battles and engagements with the French the English had the better, but in all their treaties of peace they were juggled and outwitted. And certainly, at least in my thoughts, I have known politicians in this kingdom as proper to manage such secret negotiations as any persons alive, especially those of King Louis's training up; for in these cases the persons employed ought to be complaisant, and men who, to compass their master's designs, can digest words and overlook neglects; and such were for King Louis's turn. I have enlarged a little on the subject of ambassadors, and the caution that is to be used towards them; but it is not without reason, for I have known so many intrigues, and so much mischief carried on under that colour, that I could not forbear laying this matter open, or speak less of it than I have done. This marriage between the Duke of Guienne and the Duke of Burgundy's daughter proceeded so far, that promises were passed, not only by word of mouth, but by letters; but the like was done also by Nicholas, Duke of Calabria and Lorraine, the son of John, Duke of Calabria (whom I have mentioned before); as also by Philibert, Duke of Savoyt, who died lately; and afterwards by Duke Maximilian of Austria, now King of the Romans, and only son to the Emperor Frederick, which last received a letter under the lady's own hand (written by her father's express command), *By letters dated June 13. 1472. † Philibert, Duke of Savoy, son of Amadeus IX., Duke of Savoy, and Yolande of France, daughter of Charles VII., was born on the 7th of August, 1465, and succeeded his father on the 28th of March, 1472. In January, 1474, he married Bianca Maria, daughter of Galeazzo Marie Sforza, Duke of Milan; and he died on the 22nd of April, 1482. Maximilian of Austria, son of Frederick III. and Eleanor of Portugal, was born on the 22nd of March, 1459, elected King of the Romans on the 16th of February, 1486, crowned on the 9th of April following, and succeeded his father in 1493. He married 1. Mary of Burgundy, on the 20th of August, 1477; and 2. in 1494, Bianca Maria, widow of Philibert, Duke of Savoy. In 1489, he was contracted to Anne of Bretagne, but this match was broken off. He died on the 12th of January, 1519, |