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by autumn. They were all very merry, and amiable in their own fashion, except a few jokes addressed to the queen. "We are bringing back," cried they, "the baker, his wife, and the little shop-boy." They all thought they could never starve, as long as they had the king with them. They were all still royalists, and full of joy at being able at length to put their good papa in good keeping: he was not very clever; he had broken his word; it was his wife's fault; but, once in Paris, good women would not be wanting, who would give him better advice.

The whole spectacle was at once gay, melancholy, joyous, and gloomy. They were full of hope, but the sky was overcast, and the weather unfortunately did not favour the holiday. The rain fell in torrents; they marched but slowly, and in muddy roads. Now and then, several fired off guns, by way of rejoicing, or to discharge their arms.

The royal carriage, surrounded by an escort, and with Lafayette at the door, moved like a hearse. The queen felt uneasy. Was it sure she should arrive? She asked Lafayette what he thought, and he inquired of Moreau de Méry, who, presided at the Hôtel-de-Ville on the famous days of the taking of the Bastille, was well acquainted with the matter. He replied in these significant words: "I doubt whether the queen could arrive alone at the Tuileries; but, once at the Hôtel-de-Ville, she will be able to return."

Behold the king at Paris, in the place where he ought to be, in the very heart of France. Let us hope he will be worthy of it.

The Revolution of the 6th of October, necessary, natural, and justifiable, if any ever was; entirely spontaneous, unforeseen, and truly popular; belongs especially to the women, as that of the 14th of July does to the men. The men took the Bastille, and the women took the king.

On the 1st of October, everything was marred by the ladies of Versailles; on the 6th, all was repaired by the women of Paris.

· BOOK III.

OCTOBER 6, 1789, TO JULY 14, 1790.

.

CHAPTER I.

UNANIMITY TO REVIVE THE KINGLY POWER (OCTOBER, 1789.)-BURST OF FRATERNAL ENTHUSIASM.-ENTHUSIASTIC TRANSPORT OF BROTHERHOOD, (OCTOBER TO JULY). The Love of the People for the King.-Generosity of the People.-Their Tendency towards Unity; their Confederations.-(October to July.)Lafayette and Mirabeau for the King. The Assembly for the King, October, 1789.-The King was not Captive in October.

EARLY in the morning of the 7th of October, the Tuileries were crowded with an excited multitude, impatient to see their king. Throughout the day, whilst he was receiving the homage of the constituted authorities, the crowd was watching without, and anxiously expecting to behold him. They saw, or thought they saw him through the distant windows; and whenever any one was happy enough to catch a glimpse of him, he pointed him out to his neighbour, exclaiming, "Look! there he is!" He was obliged to show himself in the balcony, where he was received with unanimous acclamations; nay, he felt obliged to descend even into the gardens, to make a still closer demonstration of sympathy for the enthusiasm of the people.

His sister, Madame Elizabeth, an innocent young person, was so affected by it, that she caused her windows to be opened, and supped in presence of the multitude. Women with their children drew near, blessing her, and extolling her beauty.

On the very preceding evening, that of the 6th of October, everybody had felt quite sure of that people of whom they

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had been so much afraid. When the king and the queen appeared by torch-light at the Hôtel-de-Ville, a roar like thunder arose from La Grève, shouts of joy, love, and gratitude, towards the king who had come to live among them. The men wept like children, shook hands, and embraced each other.*

"The Revolution is ended," cried they; "here is the king delivered from that Palace of Versailles, from his courtiers and advisers." And indeed that pernicious charm which for more than a century had held royalty captive, remote from mankind, in a world of statues and automata still more artificial, was now, thank heaven, dissolved. The king was restored again to true nature,-to life and truth. Returning from that long exile, he was restored to his home; he resumed his proper place, and found himself re-established in the kingly element,which is no other than the people. And where else could a king ever breathe and live?

Live amongst us, O king, and be at length free; for, free you have never been; but have ever acted, and let others act, against your will. Every morning you have been made to do what you repented of before night; yet you obeyed every day. After having been so long the slave of caprice, reign at length according to the law; for this is royalty, this is liberty; and such is the kingdom of God.

Such were the thoughts of the people, generous and sympathetic, without either rancour or distrust. Mingling, for the first time, in the crowd of lords and elegant ladies, they behaved towards them with great respect. Nay, they looked kindly upon the body-guards themselves, as they walked along arm in arm with the brave French guards, their friends and protectors. They cheered them both, in order to reassure and console their enemies of the preceding day.

Let it be for ever remembered that at this period, so falsely described, or perverted by hate, the heart of France was full of magnanimity, clemency, and forgiveness. Nay, even in the acts of resistance, provoked on all sides by the aristocracy,-in those energetic measures whereby the people declare themselves

* All this, and the following, is quoted from royalist writers, Weber, i., 257; Beaulieu, ii., 203, &c. Their testimony is conformable to that of the Amis de la liberté, iv., 2—6.

UNANIMITY TO REVIVE THE KINGLY POWER.

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ready to strike, they threaten but forgive. Metz denounces its rebellious parliament to the National Assembly, and then intercedes for it. Brittany, in the formidable federation that she formed in the middle of winter (January), showed herself both strong and merciful. One hundred and fifty thousand armed men there engaged themselves to withstand the enemies of the law; and the youthful commander, who, at the head of their deputies, swore with his sword on the altar, added to his oath: "If they become good citizens, we will forgive them."

Those great confederacies, which were made throughout France for eight or nine months, are the characteristic feature, the stamp of originality, of that period. They had at first a defensive character, being formed for mutual protection against unknown enemies, the brigands, and against the aristocracy. Next, these brothers being up in arms together, wished also to live together; they sympathised in the wants of their fellowcitizens, and pledged themselves to secure a free circulation for corn, and to forward provisions from one province to another, from those who had but little to those who had none. At length, confidence is restored, and food is less scarce; but the confederations continue, without any other necessity than that of the heart: To unite, as they said, and love one another.

The towns at first unite together, in order to protect themselves against the nobles. Next, the nobles being attacked by the peasants, or by wandering bands of paupers, and the castles burnt; the townsmen sally forth in arms, and hasten to protect the castles and defend the nobles, their enemies. These nobles go in crowds to take refuge in the towns, among those who have saved them, and take the civic oath (February and March).

Struggles between town and country places are happily of short duration. The peasant soon perceives the course of events, and, in his turn, confederates for order and the constitution. I have now before me the procès-verbaux of a number of those rural confederations, and I perceive in them the patriotic spirit, in spite of the simple language in which it is expressed, bursting forth as energetically as in the towns, and perhaps even more so.

There is no longer any rampart between men. One would think that the walls of cities had fallen. Great confederations of the towns are often held in the country; and

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often the peasants, in orderly bands, with the mayor or curé at their head, go and fraternise with the inhabitants of the

towns.

All were orderly, and all armed. The National Guard, at that period (a circumstance worthy of memory), was generally composed of everybody.*

Everybody is in motion and all march forth as in the time of the Crusades. Whither are they all marching thus in groups of cities, villages, and provinces? What Jerusalem attracts thus a whole nation, attracting it not abroad, but uniting it, concentrating it within itself . . . It is one more potent than that of Judea; it is the Jerusalem of hearts, the holy unity of fraternity, the great living city, made of men. It was built in less than a year, and since then has been called Native Land. Such is my course in this third book of the Revolution: obstacles of every kind, outcries, acts of violence, and bitter disputes may delay me, but shall not deter me from my task. The 14th of July has proved to me the unanimity of Paris, and another 14th of July will presently show me the unanimity of France.

How was it possible that the king, the ancient object of the

* Everybody without exception in the rural districts. Amid the panic terrors renewed every moment for more than a year, everybody was armed, at least with agricultural implements, and appeared thus armed at the reviews and most solemn festivals. In towns, the organisation varied; the permanent committees which formed there, on the news of the taking of the Bastille, opened registers in which the well-disposed of every class of men went and wrote their names; wherever there was any danger, these volunteers were absolutely everybody without exception. The unlucky question about the uniform first gave rise to divisions; then select bodies were formed, much disliked by all the others. The uniform was exacted very early at Paris, and the National Guard there became reduced to some thirty thousand men. But everywhere else there were but few uniforms; at most facings were added varying in colour, according to each town. At length the blue and red became predominant. The proposition to require a uniform throughout France was not made till July 18th, 1790. On the 28th of April, 1791, the Assembly limited the title of national guard to active citizens, or primary electors; the number of these electors (who, as proprietors, or tenants, paid taxes to the value of three days' labour, or three francs at most) amounted to four million four hundred thousand men. And even of this number the majority, being workmen and living from hand to mouth by daily labour, were unable to continue the enormous sacrifice of time which the service of the national guard then required.