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lain, sent as a friendly letter of advice, for fashion's fake in private, and forthwith published by the fender himself, that we may know how much of friend there was in it, to cast an odious envy upon them to whom it was pretended to be sent in charity. Nor let any man be deluded by either the ignorance, or the notorious hypocrify and self-repugnance of our dancing divines, who have the conscience and the boldness to come with scripture in their mouths, glossed and fitted for their turns with a double contradictory sense, transforming the facred verity of God to an idol with two faces, looking at once two several ways; and with the fame quotations to charge others, which in the same case they made ferve to justify themselves. For while the hope to be made classic and provincial lords led them on, while pluralities greased them thick and deep, to the shame and scandal of religion, more than all the sects and heresies they exclaim against ; then to fight against the king's person, and no less a party of his lords and commons, or to put force upon both the houses, was good, was lawful, was no resisting of superior powers; they only were powers not to be relifted, who countenanced the good, and punished the evil. But now that their cenforious domineering is not suffered to be universal, truth and conscience to be freed, tithes and pluralities to be no more; though competent allowance provided, and the warm experience of large gifts, and they so good at taking them; yet now to exclude and seize upon impeached members, to bring delinquents without exemption to a fair tribunal by the common national law against murder, is now to be no less than Corah, Dathan, and Abi

He who but erewhile in the pulpits was a cursed tyrant, an enemy to God and faints, laden with all the innocent blood spilt in three kingdoms, and so to be fought against; is now, though nothing penitent or altered from his first principles, a lawful magistrate, a fovereign lord, the Lord's anointed, not to be touched, though by themselves imprisoned. As if this only were obedience, to preserve the mere useless bulk of his perfon, and that only in prison, not in the field, and to difobey his commands, deny him his dignity and office, T2

every

ram.

every where to resist his power, but where they think it only surviving in their own faction.

But who in particular is a tyrant, cannot be determined in a general discourse, otherwise than by suppofition; his particular charge, and the fufficient proof of it mult determine that: which I leave to magistrates, as least to the uprighter fort of them, and of the people, though in number less by many, in whom faction least hath prevailed above the law of nature and right reason, to judge as they find cause. But this I dare own as part of my faith, that if such a one there be, by whose commillion whole maslacres have been committed on his faithful subjects, his provinces offered to pawn or alienation, as the hire of those whom he had folicited to come in and destroy whole cities and countries; be he king, or tyrant, or emperor, the sword of justice is above him ; in whose hand foever is found sufficient power to avenge the effusion, and so great a deluge of innocent blood. For if all human power to execute, not accidentally but intendedly the wrath of God upon evil doers' without exception, be of God; then that power, whether ordinary, or if that fail, extraordinary, so executing that intent of God, is lawful, and not be resisted. But to unfold more at large this whole question, though with all expedient brevity, I thall here set down, from first beginning, the original of kings; how and wherefore exalted to that dignity above their brethren; and from thence shall prove, that turning to tyranny they may be as lawfully deposed and punished, as they were at first elected: this I thall do by authorities and reasons, not learnt in corners among schisms and heresies, as our doubling divines are ready to calumniate, but fetched out of the midst of choicest and most authentic learning, and no prohibited authors; nor many heathen, but mosaical, christian, orthodoxal, and which must needs be more convincing to our adversaries, presbyterial.

No man, who knows aught, can be fo stupid to deny, that all men naturally were born free, being the image and resemblance of God himself, and were, by privilege above all the creatures, born to command, and not to obey: and that they lived fo, till from the root of

Adam's

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Adam's transgression, falling among themselves to do wrong and violence, and foreseeing that such courses must needs tend to the destruction of them all, they agreed by common league to bind each other from mutual injury, and jointly to defend themselves against any, that gave disturbance or opposition to such agreement. Hence came cities, towns and commonwealths. And because no faith in all was found sufficiently binding, they saw it needful to ordain fome authority, that might restrain by force and punishment what was violated against peace and common right. This authority and power of self-defence and preservation being originally and naturally in every one of them, and unitedly in them all; for ease, for order, and left each man 1hould be his own partial judge, they communicated and derived either to one, whom for the eminence of his wif dom and integrity they chofe above the rest, or to more than one, whom they thought of equal deserving: the firft was called a king; the other, magiftrates: not to be their lords and masters (though afterward those names in some places were given voluntarily to such as had been authors of inestimable good to the people) but to be their deputies and commillioners, to execute, by virtue of their intrusted power, that justice, which elle every man by the bond of nature and of covenant mult have executed for himself, and for one another. And to him that shall consider well, why among free persons one man by civil right Mould bear authority and jurisdiction over another; no other end or reason can be imaginable. These for a while governed well, and with much equity decided all things at their own arbitrement: till the temptation of such a power, left abfolute in their hands, perverted them at length to injustice and partiality.' Then did they, who now by trial had found the danger and inconveniences of committing arbitrary power to any, invent laws either framed or consented to by all; that should confine and limit the authority of whom they chose to govern them: that so man, of whose failing they had proof, might no more rule over them, but law and reason, abstracted as much as might be from perfonal errours and frailties. While, as the magistrate

was set above the people, so the law was fet above the magistrate. When this would not ferve, but that the law was either not executed, or misapplied, they were constrained from that time, the only remedy left them, to put conditions and take oaths from all kings and magiftrates at their first instalment to do impartial justice by law: who upon those terms and no other, received allegiance from the people, that is to say, bond or covenant to obey them in execution of those laws, which they the people had themselves made or assented to. And this ofttimes with exprefs warning, that if the king or magistrate proved unfaithful to his trust, the people would be disengaged. They added also counsellors and par, liaments, not to be only at his beck, but with him or without him, at set times, or at all times, when any danger threatened, to have care of the public safety, Therefore faith Claudius Sefell, a French statesman, “The parliament was set as a bridle to the king;" which I instance ratlıer, 'not because our English lawyers have not said the same long before, but' because that French monarchy is granted by all to be a far more abfolute one

That this and the rest of what hath hitherto been fpoken is most true, might be copiously made арpear throughout all stories heathen and christian; even of those nations, where kings and emperors have fought means to abolish all ancient memory of the people's right by their encroachments and usurpations. But I spare long insertions, appealing to the German, French, Italian, Arragonian, English, and not least the Scottish histories: not forgetting this only by the way, that William the Norman, though a conqueror, and not unsworn at his coronation, was compelled, a second time to take oath at St. Albans, ere the people would be brought to yield obedience.

It being thus manisest, that the power of kings and magistrates is nothing else, but what is only derivative, transferred and committed to them in trust from the people to the common good of them all, in whom the power yet remains fundamentally, and cannot be taken from them, without a violation of their natural birthright; and seeing that from hence Aristotle, and the best

of

than ours.

of political writers, have defined a king, “him whe, governs to the good and profit of his people, and not for his own ends;" it follows from necessary causes, that the titles of sovereign lord, natural lord, and the like, are either arrogancies, or flatteries, not admitted by emperors and kings of best note, and disliked by the church both of Jews, (Isai. xxvi, 13,) and ancient Christians, as appears by Tertullian and others. Although generally the people of Asia, and with them the Jews also, especially since the time they chose a king against the advice and counsel of God, are noted by wile authors much inclinable to slavery.

Secondly, that to say, as is usual, the king hath as good right to his crown and dignity, as any man to his inheritance, is to make the subject no better than the king's Nave, his chattel, or his poffeffion that may be bought and fold: and doubtless, if hereditary title were fufficiently inquired, the best foundation of it would be found but either in courtesy or convenience. But fuppose it to be of right hereditary, what can be more just and legal, if a subject for certain crimes be to forfeit by law from himself and posterity all his inheritance to the king, than that a king for crimes proportional should forfeit all his title and inheritance to the people? Unless the people must be thought created all for him, he not for them, and they all in one body inferior to him single; which were a kind of treason against the dignity of mankind to affirm.

Thirdly, it follows, that, to say kings are accountable to none but God, is the overturning of all law and government. For if they may refuse to give account, then all covenants made with them at coronation, all oaths are in vain, and mere mockeries; all laws which they swear to keep, made to no purpofe: for if the king fear not God, (as how many of them.do not?) we hold then our lives and estates by the tenure of his mere grace and mercy, as from a God, not a mortal magistrate; a position that none but court-parasitesor men besotted would maintain! Aristotle therefore, whom we commonly allow for one of the best interpreters of nature and momality, writes in the fourth of his Politics, chap. x, that

“monarchy

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