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one of prelatical fuperftition, the other of civil tyranny: but what paffion and defign, what clofe and open preparation he had made, to fubdue us to both thefe by terrour and preventive force, all the nation knows.
"The confidence of fome men had almost perfuaded him to fufpect his own innocence." As the words of faint Paul had almost perfuaded Agrippa to be a chriftian. But almost, in the works of repentance, is as good as not at all.
"God," faith he, " will find out bloody and deceitful men, many of whom have not lived out half their days." It behoved him to have been more cautious how he tempted God's finding out of blood and deceit, till his own years had been further spent, or that he had enjoyed longer the fruits of his own violent counfels.
But instead of warinefs he adds another temptation, charging God "to know, that the chief defign of this war was either to deftroy his perfon, or to force his judgment." And thus his prayer, from the evil practice of unjuft accufing men to God, arifes to the hideous rafhnefs of accufing God before men, to know that for truth which all men know to be moft falfe.
He prays, "that God would forgive the people, for they know not what they do." It is an eafy matter to fay over what our Saviour faid; but how he loved the people other arguments than affected fayings muft demonftrate. He who fo oft hath prefumed rafhly to appeal to the knowledge and teftimony of God in things fo evidently untrue, may be doubted what belief or esteem he had of his forgiveness, either to himself, or those for whom he would* fo feign that men fhould hear he prayed.
X. Upon their feizing the magazines, forts, &c.
TO put the matter fooneft out of controverfy who was the firft beginner of this civil war, fince the beginning of all war may be difcerned not only by the firft act of hoftility, but by the counfels and preparations foregoing, it fhall evidently appear, that the king was still
* The fecond edition has fo fain. To feign, is to dissemble; but we ufe the word fain for fond defire of a thing.
foremost in all these. No king had ever at his first coming to the crown more love and acclamation from a people; never any people found worfe requital of their loyalty and good affection: firft, by his extraordinary fear and miftruft, that their liberties and rights were the impairing and diminishing of his regal power, the true original of tyranny; next, by his hatred to all those who were esteemed religious; doubting that their principles too much afferted liberty. This was quickly feen by the vehemence, and the caufes alleged of his perfecuting, the other by his frequent and opprobrious diffolution of parliaments; after he had demanded more money of them, and they to obtam their rights had granted him, than would have bought the Turk out of Morea, and fet free all the Greeks. But when he fought to extort from us, by way of tribute, that which had been offered him conditionally in parliament, as by a free people, and that thofe extortions were now confumed and wafted by the luxury of his court, he began then (for ftill the more he did wrong, the more he feared) before any tumult or infurrection of the people to take counfel how he might totally fubdue them to his own will. Then was the defign of German horfe, while the duke reigned; and which was worst of all, fome thousands of the Irifh papifts were in feveral parts billeted upon us, while a parliament was then fitting. The pulpits refounded with no other doctrine than that which gave all property to the king, and paffive obedience to the fubject. After which, innumerable forms and thapes of new exactions and exactors overspread the land: nor was it enough to be impove rifhed, unless we were difarmed. Our trained bands, which are the truftiest and most proper ftrength of a free nation not at war with itself, had their arms in divers counties taken from them; other ammunition by defign was ingroffed and kept in the Tower, not to be bought without a licence, and at a high rate,
Thus far and many other ways were his counfels and preparations beforehand with us, either to a civil war, if it fhould happen, or to fubdue us without a war, which is all one, until the raifing of his two armies against the Scots, and the latter of them raised to the most perfidious breaking of a folemn pacification: the articles whereof,
though fubfcribed with his own hand, he commanded foon after to be burned openly by the hangman. What enemy durft have done him that difhonour and affront, which he did therein to himself?
After the beginning of this parliament, whom he faw fo refolute and unanimous to relieve the commonwealth, and that the earl of Strafford was condemned to die, other of his evil counfellors impeached and imprisoned; to fhow there wanted not evil counfel within himself fufficient to begin a war upon his fubjects, though no way by them provoked, he fends an agent with letters to the king of Denmark, requiring aid against the parliament : and that aid was coming, when Divine Providence, to divert them, fent a fudden torrent of Swedes into the bowels of Denmark. He then endeavours to bring up both armies, firft the English, with whom 8000 Irith papifts, raised by Strafford, and a French army were to join; then the Scots at Newcastle, whom he thought to have encouraged by telling them what money and horse he was to have from Denmark. I mention not the Irish confpiracy till due place. Thefe and many other were his counfels toward a civil war. His preparations, after those two armies were difmiffed, could not fuddenly be too open: nevertheless there were 8000 Irish papifts, which he refused to disband, though entreated by both houses, firft for reafons best known to himself, next under pretence of lending them to the Spaniard; and fo kept them undifbanded till very near the month wherein that rebellion broke forth. He was alfo raifing forces in London, pretendedly to ferve the Portugal, but with intent to feize the Tower; into which divers cannoneers were by him fent with many fireworks and grenadoes; and many great battering pieces were mounted against the city. The court was fortified with ammunition, and foldiers new lifted, who followed the king from London, and appeared at Kingston fome hundreds of horse in a warlike manner, with waggons of ammunition after them; the queen in Holland was buying more; of which the parliament had certain knowledge, and had not yet fo much as demanded the militia to be fettled, till they knew both of her going over fea, and to what intent. For the had packed up the crown jewels to have been
going long before, had not the parliament, fufpecting by the difcoveries at Burrow-bridge what was intended with the jewels, used means to stay her journey till the winter. Hull and the magazine there had been fecretly attempted under the king's hand; from whom (though in his declarations renouncing all thought of war) notes were fent over fea for fupply of arms; which were no fooner come, but the inhabitants of Yorkshire and other counties were called to arms, and actual forces raifed, while the parliament were yet petitioning in peace, and had not one man lifted.
As to the act of hoftility, though not much material in whom first it began, or by whofe commiffions dated firft, after fuch counfels and preparations difcovered, and fo far advanced by the king, yet in that act alfo he will be found to have had precedency, if not at London by the assault of his armed court upon the naked people, and his attempt upon the house of commons, yet certainly at Hull, firft by his clofe practices, on that town, next by his fiege. Thus whether counfels, preparations, or acts of hoftility be confidered, it appears with evidence enough, though much more might be faid, that the king is truly charged to be the firft beginner of thefe civil wars. To which may be added as a close, that in the Isle of Wight he charge it upon himself at the public treaty, and acquitted the parliament.
But as for the fecuring of Hull and the public ftores therein, and in other places, it was no " furprifal of his ftrength;" the cuftody whereof by authority of parliament was committed into hands moft fit and moft refponfible for fuch aftruft. It were a folly beyond ridiculous, to count ourselves a free nation, if the king, not in parliament, but in his own perfon, and against them, might appropriate to himself the ftrength of a whole nation as his proper goods. What the laws of the land are, a parliament should know beft, having both the life and death of laws in their lawgiving power: and the law of England is, at beft, but the reafon of parliament. The parliament therefore, taking into their hands that whereof moft properly they ought to have the keeping, committed no furprifal. If they prevented him, that argued not at all either "his innocency or unpreparedness," but their timely forefight to use prevention.
But what needed that?" They knew his chiefeft arms left him were thofe only, which the ancient christians were wont to use against their perfecutors, prayers and tears." O facred reverence of God! refpect and shame of men! whither were ye fled when thefe hypocrifies were uttered? Was the kingdom then at all that coft of blood to remove from him none but prayers and tears? What were thofe thousands of blafpheming cavaliers about him, whofe mouths let fly oaths and curfes by the volley; were thofe the prayers? and those caroufes drunk to the confufion of all things good or holy, did those minifter the tears? Were they prayers and tears that were lifted at York, muftered on Heworth moor, and laid fiege to Hull for the guard of his perfon? Were prayers and tears at fo high a rate in Holland, that nothing could purchase them but the crown jewels? Yet they in Holland (fuch word was fent us) fold them for guns, carabines, mortar-pieces, cannons, and other deadly inftruments of war; which, when they came to York, were all, no doubt by the merit of fome great faint, fuddenly transformed into prayers and tears; and, being divided into regiments and brigades, were the only arms that mifchieved us in all those battles and encounters.
These were his chief arms, whatever we must call them, and yet fuch arms as they who fought for the commonwealth have by the help of better prayers vanquished and brought to nothing.
He bewails his want of the militia, "not fo much in reference to his own protection, as the people's, whofe many and fore oppreffions grieve him." Never confidering how ill for feventeen years together he had protected them, and that thefe miferies of the people are ftill his own handwork, having fmitten them, like a forked arrow, fo fore into the kingdom's fides, as not to be drawn out and cured without the incifion of more flesh.
He tells us, that, "what he wants in the hand of power," he has in "the wings of faith and prayer." But they who made no reckoning of thofe wings, while they had that power in their hands, may easily mistake he wings of faith for the wings of prefumption, and fo fall headlong.
We meet next with a comparison, how apt let them judge