advantage, and glory, in destroying and being destroyed. Progressive experience and knowledge will at length avail, both to mitigate the bad passions, and to establish in general conviction better and wiser principles of self-interest. A more free and extensive intercourse will contribute to conciliate the nations,—will eradicate their inveterate prejudices and animosities,-and introduce a more liberal policy. They will become, on all sides, wiser calculators, and consider what it costs to settle their differences by means of war. Increase of literature and enlightened speculation, in the higher classes, will make them feel the coarseness and barbarism of the passion for war. Progressive civilization in the inferior classes, will attach them to those advantages, and enjoyments of comfort, commodiousness, and competence, on which war makes such ravages. And at length, too few men for the business of war will be found willing to abandon these satisfactions to go into such an employment." And all this, observe, independently of

religion.

Now, we would give their due to all things of such an order. Such things will be included, certainly, in whatever process can and shall reduce the world at length to peace; they will be taken as accessaries and subsidiaries to the Master Power in the operation. But, whoever would reckon on such things alone, should be strangely mortified, one thinks, in adverting to many facts of old and recent history. What, for example, is he to do with the History of Greece? or of the Italian Republics? Or nearer home; Britain and France account themselves the most enlightened, improved, civilized states in the world. And have they not been, with all their might, fighting and slaying each other and neighbouring nations, for centuries almost without intermission, down to this time? In the French Revolutionary government, which, after a time,

became essentially warlike, there were more philosophers, speculatists, literary men, than ever in any other. In ou own country, through the last half century, the enlightenea and civilized people (often so described and lauded at least) have needed but a little excitement, at any time, to rush out into war. Our institutions of learning and even theology have constantly abetted the spirit. And an ever-flowing impetuous stream there has been, of oratory, poetry, and even pulpit-declamation, mingling with, and inspiriting, the coarser torrent of the popular zeal for battles and victories. We have had both poets and divines actually sending the most immoral heroes to heaven, on the mere strength of their falling in patriotic combat. All this tells but ill for the efficacy of civilization, literature, refinement, and the instruction of experience to promote the spirit of peace,without the predominance of some mightier course. And how obvious it is, that all these, regarded as principal causes, must be inefficacious. For all causes must be so, that do not include, as the chief principle, the fear of God. In the very nature of things, it cannot be, that any race of intelligent creatures within the Divine dominion can be ordered right, without regard to Him as the Governor. Without this, there can be no peremptory authority to inforce the rules of righteousness, of equity, on men's minds. Without this, the maxims of a corrupt policy, the fashion of the age, the seduction of brilliant example, will be sure to have the sway. Men will never generally be just to one another, but under the sense of the presence of the God of justice.

Again, nothing will operate efficaciously to this grand effect, that does not go deep into the constitution of men's souls, and change their temper; so as to quell, internally, those fatal passions, which have perpetuated external war. And that is what cannot be done by any civilization, national refinement, science, or even an enlightened thec

retical policy. All these may be but like fair structures and gardens, extended over a ground where volcanic fires are in a temporary slumber below. All these may be shattered and exploded by some mighty impulse of ambition, or some blast of revengeful anger. These exterior improvements may leave those passions in full existence there;— and if they be existing, they will prove it is not for nothing. No polish, cultivation, or intelligence in a nation, would be any security against its being possessed by a spirit of haughty and imperious pride, which would impel it to resent and revenge some insult, at whatever cost of blood and destruction ;-or any security against ambition, when tempted by some opportune juncture for making a splendid conquest; or against a nation's running mad for martial glory, at the will and under the direction of some great national champion;-or against the pernicious delusion of an extravagant Patriotism. No; there must be a greater nobler power brought into prevalence among mankind, and that is plainly CHRISTIANITY. It is in no other way, assuredly, that prophecy gives the pledge for the realization of our hope on this subject. And on any other ground, we should agree with those speculators who scorn the notion of mankind being ever estranged from war. Nothing springing merely from the action of the human mind can suffice. It must be something coming from Heaven. And this is the appointed and qualified agent.

The bright day, however, of its general efficacy, is yonder in futurity; perhaps far off. Yet, it has accomplished something in this direction already. We dare not assert, even, that it may not have prevented some wars. And its advocates have often observed, that to it is mainly attri butable the mitigation of ferocity and exterminating rage, so evident in modern wars in these countries. And, look at its genuine tendency, as displayed on the smaller scale,

in a family, a neighbourhood,—a district. Who has not heard some instance of a family, in a wretched constant state of hostility within itself; but at length one, and then another, of the members of it, have been converted by the religion of Jesus Christ. The consequence how happy! But, partly within our knowledge, and our memory, there have been whole districts of our country wonderfully altered by this same agent; especially in Lancashire and Cornwall. And it is pleasing to observe,-where a considerable number are thus happily changed, there is a great external and preventive effect wrought on the general body of the community, in such a place; so that all the direct efficacy of religion has also an indirect one.

Now, imagine this double effect of religion extended throughout a nation; say, a powerful one, like this. And what will the natural consequence be, in respect to war? Will it not be,-a comparative coldness toward that pernicious phantasm of martial “glory ;"- -a loathing of that sort of eloquence and poetry that are making a god of it;—a hatred of the very name of ambitious conquerors;-horror at the image of vast masses of men meeting to destroy one another ;—reflection, how unprepared most of them are to go into eternity;-compassion, by anticipation, toward deprived and mourning relatives;-a sense of the flagrant absurdity, as well as iniquity, of avenging some little wrong at the cost of so mighty a portion and variety of misery ;— a revolting, on an economical account, at the idea of such a waste and destruction of the means of the community ;— and a faith that Providence has not so abandoned the world, that we are not to wait one moment, for any interposition from it in favour of justice, but, the instant the scales of justice are poised, we must throw in the sword. Such would be the spirit and temper of a nation predominantly Christian.

But, it may be said,-such a nation might nevertheless have a government fierce for war, and that would force the nation into it. We hardly believe that such a nation would have such a government; for, as wicked governments are given as the scourge and just plague of irreligious and wicked nations; we think the Supreme Righteous Governor would not let such an evil be on such a people. But supposing its government were of such a temper, it surely would not, unless lost to all prudence, (and then it would soon destroy itself,) it would not rush into war, under the decided general disapprobation of such a people.

Now, we have only to imagine the same progress of pure, vital Christianity in several nations, and then they are most certainly at peace. And supposing several great nations brought to this state, think what a mighty and preponderating influence they, combined, would have over the other nations, in which Christianity had as yet gained far less ground. They might form an alliance most truly “holy" for the exertion of such influence. We may be very sure that their interposed mediation to prevent wars among the other nations would be of prodigious weight; by,-for one thing, their lofty character, and unquestionably upright intentions; or next, if that influence failed, by the awe of the power, of another kind, which such unexhausted nations would possess. For we are supposing them to keep in armories and arsenals for some time those implements which are, ultimately, to take the shape of ploughshares and pruning-hooks.

We may extend our imagination of this grand process over the whole earth. And, (as we said in the former discourse,) if we believe in the future extension of the knowledge and vital power of the religion of Christ over it all, we necessarily conceive this progressive abolition of war. Every extension, then, of this blessed