in their charges; and the Tories, suspecting that the attack against the Admiralty was merely to promote the advancement of Lord Orford to the management of the navy, would not give their aid in promoting the objects of their political rivals. Besides these motives, which actuated the great mass of both parties, many individuals were unwilling to offend the queen, by an attack against her husband; or Marlborough, by an accusation of his brother. Accordingly, the complaints and debates, which had so deeply agitated the nation at the commencement of the session, ended in a resolution, merely recommending the queen to appoint an additional number of cruisers, for the better security of trade.

The House of Lords, in which the Whig interest was predominant, did not so readily desist from their charges against the Admiralty board. In an address, which was drawn up on the 25th of February, they entered into a brief review of the whole examination; and amidst warm expressions of respect for the person and character of the prince, they directed the most acrimonious accusations against the influence of Admiral Churchill, though without mentioning his name. They represented him as making "the worst use imaginable" of the confidence reposed in him by the lord high admiral; of screening himself under his protection, and of insulting the legislature, by a vindication which conveyed not the slightest assurance of future amendment. They concluded with expressing a hope "that seamen would be encouraged, trade protected, discipline restored, and a new spirit and vigour put into the whole administration of the

navy.

This ebullition of spleen was, however, confined to the affairs of the Admiralty; for the scrutiny into the conduct of the war in Spain terminated no less favourably.

In subsequent debates the earl of Peterborough was again brought forward, and a regular investigation made into his conduct. The letters from King Charles, and the complaints which had been advanced against him, were submitted to Parliament, and drew forth, on his part, volumes of memorials and justifications, with crowds of witnesses. This investigation having rendered the affairs of Spain and Por* Journals of the Lords, Feb. 25.

tugal the subject of general interest, the opposition deserted the cause of Peterborough, to direct their invectives against the misconduct of the generals, and the deficiency of the British troops, in the battle of Almanza. The much-debated matter began at length to weary the public attention, and was finally regarded as a mere chicane of opposition. A statement was produced by government, to account for the deficiency of the troops; and though great, it appeared to be owing to the circumstances of the war, not to intentional neglect. After the usual proposals and amendments, an address was passed, thanking the queen for taking measures to retrieve the affairs of Spain, and providing foreign troops for that service. This decision terminated the inquiry, and relieved Marlborough and the ministry from embarrassments of no ordinary magnitude. *

The reconciliation between the ministers and the Whigs was the prelude to the downfal of Harley; and no change in the course of a long political life was more deeply felt, or more reluctantly sanctioned, by the Duke of Marlborough.

Averse to party connexions, and always dreading the violent spirit of the Whigs, his fear of becoming the mere instrument of their projects overcame his sense of their influence, as well as his conviction of the imperious necessity, which compelled him to form a cordial union with those who alone concurred in his principles of foreign policy. He was also restrained by a profound respect and gratitude for the queen, and an unwillingness to wound her feelings, or shock her prejudices, even in cases where her own interest and honour were concerned. Lastly, with a high opinion of the integrity, as well as the abilities of Harley, it was not without an arduous struggle, that he could be induced wholly to withdraw his confidence from a minister, whom he had protected and trusted, and to whose professions he listened, even at the moment when repeated proofs occurred to justify a suspicion of his duplicity. Circumstances, however, rapidly accumulated, which furnished indirect, but convincing proofs of his secret intercourse with the queen by the agency of Mrs. Masham; and of his schemes to form a party and an administration of his own, either by restoring the preponder

* Journals of Lords and Commons; Chandler's Debates; Letters from Mr. Vernon to the duke of Shrewsbury; Burnet; Tindal; Conduct of the Duchess of Marlborough; and Other Side of the Question.

ance of the Tories, or by creating a schism among those who supported the government.

Harley saw the indecision of the two ministers, and their dread of being domineered by the party with whom they were associated. Hoping thereby to take advantage of their embarrassment, he requested an interview with both, on the plea of clearing himself from the aspersions under which he laboured. The meeting accordingly took place*, and produced, if any, but a temporary effect; for the dispute was brought to a crisis, by various incidents, which at once awakened the suspicions of the ministers, and diminished the credit of the secretary, in the House of Commons.

A clerk in his office, of the name of Gregg, whom he had employed in Scotland and elsewhere as a spy, had formed a secret correspondence with Chamillard, the French secretary of state, for the purpose of communicating the secrets of the English cabinet. This correspondence was carried on through the medium of Tallard's letters, which were sent to the secretary's office, to be read, before they were transmitted to France. Gregg had not long been engaged in this treasonable intercourse, before one of these packets was intercepted, and found to contain the copy of a letter, which the queen was to write to the emperor, requesting him to send Prince Eugene into Spain. So exact was his intelligence, that the additions made by Godolphin to the original draft of the secretary, were specifically distinguished.

In consequence of this discovery, Gregg was arrested on the 30th of December, and after an examination, in which he acknowledged his guilt, was brought to a public trial at the Old Bailey, and convicted on his own confession. The circumstances of the transaction, as well as his dependence on Harley, appear to have given some colour to the accusation previously advanced against the secretary, of a correspondence with the French court, which Marlborough had indignantly repelled.

Another circumstance, which occurred at the same time also contributed to affect the credit of Harley. Vallière and Bera, two smugglers, whom he had employed to procure intelligence between Calais and Boulogne, had profited by

* Letters between Harley and Godolphin, Dec. 5. Queen Anne, p. 627.

Somerville's

his protection and confidence, to convey information to the enemy. They were likewise arrested; and although their treasonable practices were perhaps only the usual deceptions of such agents, yet, at the moment, the discovery made considerable impression on the public mind, and was not without its influence on Marlborough and Godolphin.

These discoveries gave weight to a variety of indirect hints, which the ministers had before overlooked, of Harley's machinations with the queen and their enemies; and, at the same time, the consciousness of the critical situation in which he stood, forced the secretary to become more active in his intrigues, and to employ his efforts in widening the breach between the ministers and the Whigs. In particular he seems to have recurred to the interposition of the Duke of Buckingham, to effect a coalition between the moderate of both parties, and instigated the queen to send messages to the leading Tories, exhorting them to vindicate her dignity against the encroachments of the Whigs. Mutual fears and jealousies brought the affair to a crisis. Before the close of January, Harley received, from the attorney-general, a formal notice that he had fallen under the displeasure of Godolphin. He instantly appealed to Marlborough, as to his patron and protector. In a confidential interview, Marlborough frankly acquainted him with the motives of the coldness which he had experienced, both from himself and the treasurer, and even descended to particulars. Harley, however, was not disconcerted, but again appealed to Godolphin, treated the charges against him as artful misrepresentations, and concluded with those professions of innocence and zeal for their service, which he had so often employed. The brief and indignant answer of Godolphin proved that his professions had now lost their weight, and cut off all hopes of a reconciliation.

"I have received your letter, and am very sorry for what has happened, to lose the good opinion I had so much inclination to have of you; but I cannot help seeing, nor believing my senses. I am very far from having deserved it of you. God forgive you." *

Having at length taken their reluctant resolution, the two ministers found, in their attempts to remove their dangerous

Hardwicke Papers - Somerville's Queen Anne, p. 628., where this as well as the preceding letter is printed.

rival, a mortifying proof of his interest with their royal mistress. In vain they laid their complaints before the queen, and insisted on his dismission. She appeared to have forgot their deserts; and however necessary their services were, at this period, to the safety and honour of the country, she evinced a determination not to abandon her confidential adviser.

At this juncture the Whigs became sensible of their injustice to the two ministers, and felt that the fate of their party, as well as that of the general and treasurer, depended on the disgrace of the obnoxious minister. The whole body conveyed to Marlborough an assurance of their unanimous and zealous support; and to prove their resolution of pushing their hostility against Harley, a committee of seven Whig lords was appointed to examine Gregg and the two smugglers, for their treacherous correspondence. For this purpose, Gregg received a respite, to give time for his examination, and to draw from him a farther confession, by the prospect of a pardon.

These circumstances discouraged neither the queen nor Harley. She persisted in her purpose, and reports of a plan for a new ministry were circulated, with a design of intimidation. A decisive step was therefore necessary; and no alternative remained, but to bend to the interest of Harley, or resign their posts. Accordingly both Marlborough and Godolphin joined in announcing their resolution, and stating that the queen should no longer consider them as her servants, if Harley was not dismissed. The letter of Godolphin is not extant, but that of Marlborough is still preserved.

"Madam: — - Since all the faithful services I have endeavoured to do you, and the unwearied pains I have taken for these ten days, to satisfy and convince your majesty's own mind, have not been able to give you any such impressions of the false and treacherous proceedings of Mr. Secretary Harley to lord treasurer and myself, but that your majesty is pleased to countenance and to support him, to the ruin of your own business at home; I am very much afraid it will be attended with the sorrow and amazement of all Europe, as soon as the noise of it gets abroad. And I find myself obliged to have so much regard to my own honour and reputation, as not to be every day made a sacrifice to falsehood and treachery, but most humbly to acquaint your majesty that no consideration can make me serve any longer with that man. And I beseech your majesty to look upon me, from this moment, as forced out of your service, as long as you think fit to continue him in it.