with her husband she now depicted the Whig chiefs in the same exaggerated colours which she had hitherto applied to the Tories. She described Somers as repulsive and disrespectful, and Halifax as vain, ambitious, and petulant; but in adverting to the conduct of Sunderland she could find no terms sufficiently strong to express her abhorrence.

The communications of the treasurer and the duchess augmented the chagrin of Marlborough at the continued failure of all his attempts to conciliate the Whigs. Although he expressed his full conviction that a strict union between the queen and the Whigs was necessary for the welfare of England, he at the same time testified his displeasure at the doubts which their leaders entertained of his sincerity, and at the violence with which they pursued their object. We accordingly trace in his correspondence the language of smothered disappointment, strongly contrasted with the tone of affected indifference and resignation. Indeed, it awakens our regret, to find a man of his powerful mind and political experience so easily ruffled, and uttering bitter invectives against the chiefs of the party on whom he was obliged to depend. But while he acrimoniously inveighs against Halifax, Sunderland, and Orford, he does full justice to the temper and good sense of Somers.

But the change of sentiment in a wife whom he was so anxious to conciliate, compensated for many of his other perplexities. Hitherto her excessive partiality to the Whigs had exposed him to repeated rebukes, for his apparent lukewarmness; but he now looked forward to more peace and congeniality of opinion in their future intercourse; since she seemed to accord with him in an utter dislike of mere political connexions, and to consider both parties as equally domineering. These sentiments frequently occur in his letters, and we find him exulting in the hope that their domestic harmony would no longer be interrupted. Indeed, although the duchess occasionally relapsed into her habitual prejudices, he at least enjoyed a temporary respite from her importunities and sarcastic reflections.

Giving implicit credit to the suspicions of the treasurer and the duchess, that some of the Whig chiefs were tampering with Mrs. Masham and Harley, he affects not only perfect indifference, but even satisfaction at the report; and

although the limits of our work will not permit us to publish all his letters to the duchess at this interesting period, we cannot avoid giving a few extracts, which will show the poignancy of his feelings at the increasing ascendency of Harley and Mrs. Masham, as well as at the warmth and intemperate conduct of Halifax and Sunderland.

To the Duchess.

"Nov. 28. I wish with all my heart that matters may be settled so as to give content, as I am of opinion that England can't be safe but by a right understanding between the queen and the Whigs. I am pleased at what you write, that the lord treasurer has reason to believe, that some of the Whigs are making up to Mrs. Masham; for I hope you are of my mind, that when England is safe, I had rather any body should govern than I.

*

"What you say of Lord Halifax, I have believed for a long time. If he had no other fault but his unreasonable vanity, that alone would be capable of making him guilty of any fault. For God's sake do not endeavour to injure any body making their interest with Mrs. Masham, but agree with me in contemning any thing that others may think vexes me; for I swear to you solemnly that your love and quiet I prefer to all the greatness of this world, and had rather live a private life than be the greatest man England ever had. I do not wonder, nor shall be much troubled at any thing Mr. Harley may say of me, for I shall desire nobody's friendship; but that my actions shall speak for me, which shall be governed by the understanding God has given me to what I shall judge best for the interest of England. Yours of the 2d of this month, o. s., which gives me an account of all things going on well in England, gives me an entire content of mind."

“Jan. 7. — I find by your's of the 17th, that Mrs. Masham does not think it worth while to keep any measures with me and those I love. I can't help flattering myself, that if it were possible to make the queen sensible of her malice, she would not suffer it; but I am afraid it is very difficult to persuade her to see any thing which Mrs. Masham would not have her believe, so that patience and peace must be the cure. My real intentions are to be as quiet as is possible. I do not mean by that to quit the employment, but to serve my queen and country to the best of my understanding, without being either minister or favourite."

66

Hague, Jan. 16. —*

* I find by yours of the 22d of last month, that Lord Sunderland was indisposed; and the concern he had for what he thought might give me pleasure. I desire you will return him my thanks, and at the same time assure him that I am not desirous that any thing should be altered that might give disadvantage or trouble to my friends; for I shall esteem myself happy if England be safe, and that I may have leave of living quiet with you. I shall always wish happiness to the queen, but I must have some time for myself, which could not be, if I had not taken the firm resolution of having no ambition, nor desire of favour."

"Brussels, Feb. 4. *

The assurances you give in yours

of the 14th of January, of being of my mind as to parties, have given me all the hopes imaginable of future happiness: at the same time I assure you that I think the principles of the Whigs are for the good of England, and that if the Tories had the power, they would not only destroy England, but also the liberties of Europe. I shall always

govern my actions by joining with such as are for the good of England, but will never be a slave to either party, and consequently not expect favour from either.

"As to my being uneasy at the changes that have been made, they are very unjust, for I have the vanity to think that some letters which I wrote to the queen were of use. Lord Sunderland must be distracted, if he can have a thought of hurting or disobliging you and me, for the satisfaction of Lord Halifax. You should speak plainly and kindly to him. I shall do it when I come home; and I do with all my heart hope that Lord Somers, the duke of Devonshire, Lord Townshend, and the duke of Newcastle, will be reasonable."

“Brussels, Feb. 7. — As to the compliments I desired might have been made to Lord Sunderland, it was upon what you wrote; but you may be sure that I shall neither desire nor make any, when you have so much reason to be dissatisfied, as you must have, when you call his designs monstrous. If Lord Halifax and Lord Sunderland are so extravagant, be assured that you will find others unreasonable, which will at last tire those who now serve, and then Mrs. Masham will be able to bring the queen into what scheme she pleases, which will be that of hurting the Whigs; but I agree with you that Lord Halifax has no other principle but his ambition; so that he would put all in distraction, rather than not gain his point. But the behaviour of Lord Sunderland looks to me like madness, for it is impossible for him to have a thought of being tolerably well with Mrs. Masham. I have marked two lines in the enclosed letter, by which you may see he apprehends all things are like to go wrong. Pray let nobody know of the letter but the lord treasurer.'

"Feb. 13.-* * * * I desire you will say all that you can think reasonable from me to Lord Wharton, and I do, with all my heart, wish that Lord Somers would always follow his own good sense, by which he would serve both his queen and country. But I fear you will, on many occasions, be sensible of his giving way to the violence of Lord Halifax and Lord Sunderland; for parties are governed much more by passion and violence than by reason. The duke of Devonshire is certainly a very honest man, but Lord Orford has too much power with him. Walpole, who I agree is a very honest man, may be of use in keeping of the duke of Devonshire and Lord Townshend in good-humour. I believe the duke of Somerset is a friend to you and me, but his ill judgment and great desire of having credit with the queen, will make him both troublesome, and do hurt; but whilst in the world we must bear with such uneasinesses."

CHAP. LXXVIII.

· PERPLEXITIES OF THE DUKE.
1708, 1709.

ONE of the principal motives which induced Marlborough to prolong his stay on the Continent was, his desire to watch the progress of the negotiations now pending between France and the States. Since the failure of the proposal made to open a public treaty with the Maritime Powers, through the elector of Bavaria, the king of France had regarded all attempts to lure them jointly into a peace as nugatory, and therefore became doubly anxious to gain some individual member of the Grand Alliance. He accordingly made many secret overtures to those chiefs of the Dutch republic who were inclined to peace, affecting a readiness to relinquish Spain and the Indies, with the Milanese and the Netherlands, provided he could obtain the kingdom of the Two Sicilies for his grandson. With this proposal, he coupled the offer of a satisfactory barrier on the side of the Netherlands, and great commercial advantages,—concessions which he was well aware would weigh with a timid and interested people like the Dutch. While, however, he thus amused his partisans in Holland, he applied to the emperor, through the mediation of the pope, offering to yield to the archduke Charles the Spanish territories in Italy, with the Netherlands, provided Philip should be allowed to retain Spain and the Indies.

The duplicity which these contradictory offers evinced, and the apprehension that some member of the alliance might be tempted to sacrifice the general good to private views, doubtless induced the Whigs to propose the unexpected declaration, which pledged the British parliament to continue the war, till the whole Spanish monarchy was restored to the house of Austria. This declaration did not, as was expected, deter the Dutch from their private intrigues. On the contrary, the pacific party continued to tamper with the French agents, and laboured to impress their countrymen with the opinion, that France was sufficiently humbled, and that it was impolitic to prosecute the war for the advantage of other powers, since they were

already assured of those acquisitions which they deemed for their own security.

necessary

This sentiment was not confined to the partisans of France alone, but actuated in a greater or less degree even those who were most zealous for the connexion with England, from a conviction that their country was unable to support much longer the burdens of a protracted contest. In these circumstances, means were found to continue an intercourse, which was no less advantageous to France than detrimental to the common cause. Petcum, a meddling minister of the duke of Holstein, and Bergueick, the Spanish intendant of the Netherlands, were successively employed in these negotiations; and found co-operators in Buys, pensionary of Amsterdam, and Vanderdussen, member of the secret council and pensionary of Gouda.* In addition to these clandestine overtures, more direct and explicit propositions were made, by means of Menager, an opulent merchant and able negotiator, and Rouillé, president of the parliament of Paris, who had formed intimate connexions with many considerable persons in Holland. The effect of these overtures was, a strong attempt among the pacific party to bring the rest of the States into a disposition to accede to a partition of the Spanish monarchy between the two rival candidates.

This secret negotiation was not only disclosed to Marlborough, but strenuous efforts were made by Buys and his friends to obtain his approbation of their proceedings.

On his return to the Hague from Brussels, he was visited on the 16th of January by Buys and Pancrass, president burgomaster of Amsterdam. They confidentially imparted to him the proposals of France, which had been communicated only to the chief magistrates of that city, stating that their pensionary would be ruined, should it be known that he had received such overtures without laying them before the States. They represented that they had maintained this reserve till they should know the duke's opinion, in hopes of obtaining his concurrence; and, at the same time, added, that no proposals should be received, without the approbation of the queen.

The overtures from France were these: that some persons of trust and confidence should be sent privately, with * Mem. de Torcy, tom. i. p. 229.