Henry VIII., had been conferred only for a limited time.* Still not discouraged, the duke ordered Mr. Craggs to search for the licence granted to General Monk, but had the mortification again to be informed that it was only made during pleasure, and that a commission for life would, in the opinion of the chancellor, be an innovation, and liable to malicious constructions. Even after this second disappointment, he still persevered, and made a direct application to the queen, in the course of the campaign. Her majesty was naturally alarmed at so new and unexpected a demand, from a subject whose power she already dreaded; and having secretly referred to the advice of her private counsellors, positively declined compliance. Piqued at this refusal, the duke was so imprudent as to write a querulous letter, in which he not only reproached her majesty for this instance of disregard to his services, but even complained bitterly of her estrangement from the duchess, and the transfer of her attachment to Mrs. Masham, and announced his determination to retire at the end of the war.†

This reproachful letter inflamed the indignation of the queen, and gave force to the representations of the opposite party; and the malevolence of his enemies did not fail to exaggerate his indiscretion as a proof that he secretly aspired to power, which must prove dangerous to the crown.

* Letter from Mr. Craggs, May 20., and from Lord Chancellor Cowper, June 23.

† Draught of a letter to the queen, in the hand-writing of the duchess, without date, but evidently written at this period. In relating this fact in his "Memoirs on the Change in the Queen's Ministry, in 1710," Swift observes, "When the duke of Argyle was consulted what course should be taken upon the duke of Marlborough's request to be general for life, and whether any danger might be apprehended from the refusal, I was told, he suddenly answered, that her majesty need not be in pain, for he would undertake, whenever she commanded, to seize the duke at the head of his troops, and bring him away either dead or alive." If this anecdote be true, the answer must have been intended to augment, as it naturally would do, the alarms of the queen.

APPENDIX

OF

NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.

By the Editor.

(F. p. 58.)-DIPLOMATIC BRIBERY.

THE burgess disguise adopted by the French envoy, safely to transmit to his court an account of Marlborough's conversations with the Swedish king, reminds one of the conjectural programmes that appear in the London newspapers on the morning of the opening of parliament. The writers of these anticipatory versions are, of course, not in the secret of the cabinet; though it becomes manifest, after the royal speech appears in the afternoon-the resemblance between the copy and original being so exact-that either they have been gifted with a mesmeric clairvoyance behind the scene, or held some telegraphic communication with those who are actually privy to the contents of the forthcoming address. like manner, the feigned German merchant's "imaginings" of what the Duke said to Charles XII., tally so exactly with the quality of his utterances, that they can only have been reported to Besenval by one who heard them, or had received a faithful transcript of their purport.

In

Altogether, the text and the Archdeacon's note offer a curious illustration of the state of European diplomacy and the infidelity of postal com. munications. No doubt the treacherous part had been enacted by Count Piper or Hermelin, on both of whom the duke had conferred pensions, the better to secure their services. Piper was thus receiving bribes by both hands; for he was already in the pay of the French to betray the English and the interests of the Grand Alliance. He at first affected some difficulty in accepting the Duke's favour; but his scruples were overcome by his countess, with whom Marlborough had an interview for the purpose.

The treachery did not end here: the betrayers were betrayed. Besenval's letter was either intercepted in its passage through Germany, or surreptitiously copied by some spy at the court of France, and transmitted to England through the instrumentality of Robethon, the Duke's confidential agent for collecting continental intelligence.

When the first earl of Malmesbury visited the European courts as British minister, seventy or eighty years later, matters continued much

the same. Money formed the sinews of diplomacy. Non sine pulvere palma. All were accessible in this shape, from the highest minister to the humbler secretary, clerk, or messenger. Gifts of jewellery, pensions, or pecuniary gratuities were the usual forms of seduction, and the bribe nicely proportioned to the value of the intelligence given or the service rendered. The Dutch patriots his lordship found open to good dinners as well as lucre. Writing to Lord Stormont from St. Petersburgh, December 24. 1780, Malmesbury says,-" Your lordship can conceive no idea of the height to which corruption is carried in this country, of the exorbitancy of the demands, or of the barefacedness with which they are made. The French, the Dutch, and even the Prussian ministers are most profuse in this article; and the first, I am certain, has expended (to very little purpose, indeed,) immense sums since his arrival. He has furnished to the two first cousins of Count Panin, and the vice chancellor, to purchase houses, to the amount of 4000l. or 5000l. each. Every subaltern expects his fees, and these fees are according to the exigencies of the times." A little later (March 22. 1781), he writes to the foreign secretary —“ I am very happy to find that it does not appear I fling away too much of the public money in obtaining necessary intelligence. The lavishness of the French, and even of the Prussian party, in the present moment, is beyond conception; and their profusion will, I fear, make me appear very extravagant." Diaries and Correspondence of James Harris, First Earl of Malmesbury, vol. i. p. 405. So that there was quite a competition in corruption. Spies and informers of every grade were in the constant pay of the rival ambassadors; and thus, those who paid most were doubtless best served.

The Duke was not likely to be outdone in this line of traffic. His activity, penetration, and hardihood qualified him to be a successful chapman. Indeed, he seems to have had no objection to share in the diplomatic medium in general circulation. At parting with the king of Prussia, Marlborough observes (p. 53.), "he forced upon me a diamond ring valued at 1000 pounds."

(G. p. 297.)- UXORIOUSNESS OF MARLBOROUGH.

A remarkable trait in Marlborough is the constancy and ardour of his attachment for the duchess. It was the ruling passion of his life; even his love of glory was secondary to it. Amidst all his toils and dangers, one object was ever present-his adorable Sarah; and the last and exceeding great reward to which he looked forward, was to spend with her in privacy and peace his remaining years. This was no transient impulse; it began with the nuptial union, and never suffered any abatement. All his letters attest this. Throughout, wherever the duchess is concerned, they breathe the language of the gallant soldier, whose whole soul is absorbed in devotion to his mistress. If she were only kind, content, and satisfied which, by the bye, was no easy or common case

all the rest of the world was indifferent to him. We had marked several passages in this strain, and which genuine passion could alone have suggested, but must be content with a few examples of his unceasing love and fondness.

66

"My soul's soul," or "my dearest soul," is a frequent ejaculation of the affectionate Duke. Writing to his spouse, after a political broil, he says, "I do assure you I had rather the whole world should go wrong than you should be uneasy; for the quiet of my life depends only on your kindness. I beg of you to believe that you are dearer to me than all things in the world." In the hour of military movements, in the excitement of unparalleled triumphs, his heart was ever with her. "I am, heart and soul, yours," was his constant expression. I can have no happiness till I am quiet with you." "I cannot live away from you." On one occasion, after thanking her, as for a boon, for some kind expressions to him in a letter, he says, “In short, my dear soul, if I could begin life over again, I would endeavour, every hour of it, to oblige you. But as we can't recall what is past, forget my imperfections; and, as God has been pleased to bless me, I do not doubt but he will reward me with some years to end my days with you; and if that be with quietness and kindness, I shall be much happier than I have ever yet been." Again, he piously concludes one letter -" Put your trust in God as I do, and be assured that I think I can't be unhappy as long as you are kind." Writing immediately after the battle of Ramilies, he begins" I did not tell my dearest soul in my last the design I had of engaging the enemy, if possible, to a battle, fear.ng the concern sne nas for me might make her uneasy.' He concludes, - Pray believe me when I assure you that I love you more than I can express.'

These and other fond asseverations that the reader cannot fail to have remarked in the correspondence, attest that Marlborough was a man of an affectionate and fervid soul, though of a mild and regulated temper. They are more remarkable, as he was then almost verging on old age, and his wife had passed the bloom of youth; and, therefore, bespeak an endearment not based on personal or evanescent preferences. It may be doubted whether the duchess reciprocated the extreme fondness of her husband not many of her letters to him have been preserved, and these are often cold and querulous She evinced, however, a respect to his memory after his death, though capricious and arbitrary towards him during his lifetime; and to which the Duke's uxoriousness may have contributed

END OF THE SECOND VOLUME.