suppose that the pledge of a Cabinet, unhesitatingly and unreservedly given, will not be held sacred and binding on the honor and consciences of British Ministers.

At any rate, whatever may be the intentions of Her Majesty's Government with respect to the removal or continuance of this monstrous evil, this pregnant source of wrong, outrage, insult, and dishonor, by which thousands of our poor annually suffer the most grievous injuries,-whatever may be the intentions of her Majesty's Ministers, at least the policy of the Representatives of Ireland ought to be decided-namely, to compel the redemption of the promise which has been made them. It will be their duty to see that no advantage may be taken of the seeming "exceptional nature" of the Irish case; and that no attempt to pass an English bill first, and an Irish bill after, shall succeed. We hold the opinion, which we know to be entertained by many Irish representatives, that an Irish bill by itself has little or no chance of success; and that in order to secure justice to the Irish-born poor, they must be included in any bill brought in for England. In all essential points, their case is identical, and in its incidents it is infinitely worse; so that the reasons for dealing at one and the same moment with the case of the Irish and the English poor are stronger and more pressing upon the part of the Irish.

Any separation of the two nations at such a moment as the present, would indeed be bad policy upon the part of a Minister of England. While we write these lines, our brave countrymen, the very relatives of the "removed Irish"-are crimsoning land and sea with their generous blood. Though the benevolence of the parish officer knows how to discriminate between the Englishman and the Scotchman, and the "mere Irish," the bullet and the blade of the Russian do not; and where the rage of battle was hottest on the heights of Alma, there conquered or there fell the flower of our gallant race. In the open field, in the battery, on the deck, England feels the value of her Irish right arm. Of their blood none so lavish, of their lives none so reckless; none more terrible in conflict, none so cheerful under privation. Whose rush is more resistless, whose battle-cry more appalling!-and when the moment comes for the assault or the escalade, who so eager to volunteer for the death-struggle? Is there a grave-mound at Alma that does not cover an Irish breast ?-is there a sick ward in Scutari in which the mangled form of an Irish soldier

does not lie? In the fury of battle, in the agony of the hospital, in the silence of the grave, there is no distinction of race or country; they fight side by side, they moan and writhe side by side, they moulder side by side,-who, then, shall say that there shall be one law for the kindred of these brave men, and another for a favoured race? The Englishman who says so is an ingrate to the services of this country, and a traitor to the honour of his own.

To Englishmen, we would say-you admit that the labour of the Irish is priceless, that it is necessary to your social progress and your national greatness-you say it is of that indispensable nature that you cannot do without it. The same you must admit of their valour-you cannot do without it;-it enables you to hold your position amongst the foremost nations of the earth, in the very van of Western Europe-just as their labour enables your manufacturers to beat the industry of the world. in fair competition. And will you, in spite of such services and such sacrifices, blacken your national honour by so dark and foul a stain as the refusal of equal justice to the poor of their country and your own? Read what every man of enlightenment and humanity testifies as to the effects of this law of removal on your own poor-its hardship, its cruelty, its injustice the frauds to which it instigates your officials and your parishes, the selfishness which it gratifies and provokes, the hard and unchristian feeling which it engenders; think of these things, and say, when you have freed your own poor from this unnatural law, when you have given freedom to their industry, and flung open your broad land to the exercise of their unfettered energies, can you have the heart to continue the imposition of a worse law upon your Irish fellow-subjects?

We look confidently to Parliament, not for the display of any extraordinary generosity, but simply for the redemption of a solemn promise, and the performance of an act of common justice. And with less than justice, full and complete justice, Ireland ought not and will not be content.

ART. V. NATIONAL, FACTORY, AND REFORMATORY

SCHOOLS.

FIRST PAPER-NATIONAL SCHOOLS.

1. Lord Brougham's Speeches Upon National Education, House of Lords, 24th July and 4th August, 1854. London Ridgeway. 1854.

2. Report from the Select Committee of The House of Lords, Appointed to Inquire into The Practical Working of the System of National Education in Ireland; and to Report thereon to The House; together with the Minutes of Evidence, Appendix and Index, Session 1854. Brought from the Lords, 11th August, 1854. Ordered, By The House of Commons, to be Printed, 12th August. 1854.

3.

The Twentieth Report of the Commissioners of National Education in Ireland, (For the year 1853.) With Appendices. Presented to both Houses of Parliament by Command of Her Majesty. Dublin: Thom. 1854. 4. Education in Great Britain, Being The Official Report of Horace Mann of Lincoln's Inn, Esq., Barrister-atlaw, To George Graham, Esq., Registrar-General; with Selected Tables. London: Routledge and Co.

1854.

5. Religious Worship in England and Wales, Abridged from The Official Report Made by Horace Mann, Esq., to George Graham, Esq., Registrar-General. London: Routledge and Co. 1854.

6. Education Reform; or, The Necessity of a National System of Education. By Thomas Wyse, Esq., M. P. London: Longman and Co. 1836.

7. National Education; Its Present State and Prospects. By Frederic Hill. London: Charles Knight. 1836. 8. The Social Condition and Education of the People in England and Europe; Shewing the Results of the Primary Schools, and of the Division of Landed Property, in Foreign Countries. By Joseph Kay, Esq., M.A. of Trinity College, Cambridge; Barrister-at-Law and late Travelling Bachelor of the University of Cambridge. London: Longman and Co. 1850.

;

9. Public Education as Affected by the Minutes of the Committee of Privy Council, from 1846 to 1852; with Suggestions as to Future Policy. By Sir James Kay Shuttleworth, Bart. London: Longman and Co. 1853.

10. Suggestive Hints, Towards Improved Secular Instruction, Making it Bear upon Practical Life. Intended for the Use of Schoolmasters and Teachers in our Elementary Schools, for those engaged in the Private Instruction of Children at Home, and for others taking an Interest in National Education. By the Rev. Richard Dawes, A.M., Dean of Hereford. Sixth Edition. London: Groombridge. 1853.

11. Special Reports By The Directors to The Proprietors of Price's Patent Candle Company, Respecting that part of the Proceedings of the Annual General Meeting of the Company, 24th March, 1852, which has reference to the Educational, Moral, and Religious Charge to be taken by the Company over the Persons, (and especially the Young Persons) in its Employment; with Eight other Pamphlets on this Important Subject. By James P. Wilson, Esq., Managing Director of the Company. 1851 to 1854.

12. Chaplain's Twenty-Third Report of the Preston House of Correction. Presented to the Magistrates of Lancashire, 1846. Twenty-Fifth Report of Chaplain for same Prison, 1848. Thirtieth Report of same. 1853.

13. Crime; Its Amount, Causes, and Remedy. By Frederick Hill, Barrister-at-Law, Late Inspector of Prisons. London: Murray. 1853.

14. Juvenile Delinquents, Their Condition and Treatment. By Mary Carpenter. London: Cash. 1853.

15. Reformatory Schools for the Children of the Perishing and Dangerous Classes, and Juvenile Offenders. By Mary Carpenter. London: Gilpin. 1852.

16. Report of the Proceedings of a Conference on the Subject of Preventive and Reformatory Schools, Held at Birmingham, on 9th and 10th December, 1851; also Report of Second Conference, Held December 26th, 1853. London: Longman and Co. 1851 and 1854.

17. Report of Committee on Criminal and Destitute Juveniles. Presented to the House of Commons, December, 1852. 18. A Charge, Delivered to the Grand Jury of Birmingham, at the Opening of the Sessions, Held Monday, September 4th, 1854. By Matthew Davenport Hill, Esq., Q.C. Recorder of Birmingham; and also various other Charges of the Recorder.

19. An Act for the Better Care and Reformation of Youthful Offenders in Great Britain. 17th and 18th Victoria, Chapter 86. 1854.

In a former number of THE IRISH QUARTERLY REVIEW,* we stated, when sketching the history of the slow progress of the Reformatory School Movement in England, that slowness in the adoption of theories, and earnest quickness in supporting the principles of theories when they had been worked into facts, were amongst the patent characteristics of the great British nation. From various causes this characteristic has been most remarkably evidenced by the tardiness with which the noble system of National Education was adopted, in its perfection, even whilst its necessity was fully, and generally admitted by all whose opinions, from position or information, commanded attention. All men expressed a most laudable and patriotic anxiety that the poor should be raised from that deep and woful ignorance in which their minds were swamped; some men took for their motto an expression of Doctor Chalmers, and, as it were, made it their watchward, proclaiming, "WE OBJECT NOT TO THE UTMOST POSSIBLE ILLUMINATION OF THE POPULAR MIND:" and yet the popular mind was not illuminated, because various influential sections of the community insisted that the illumination should arise from light enkindled by their own special and peculiar torches. "You must teach them upon a principle of which the Bible shall be the foundation," cried one." Right,"exclaimed another, "my Bible." "No," protested the Roman Catholic, "you shall not make the Bible the foundation, or if you do it must be mine." The "drum ecclesiastic" was beaten with all that vigor which ever distinguishes the controversial rappel, and amid the mêlée of the clerical combatants the children of the poor were forced to learn as best they could, or as pleased the patrons of various free, and ill-taught schools.

Vol. IV. No. 14. p. 363.