rooted to be either fhaken or ftrengthened by any thing that he can fay or do.

In refpect of the duty of a Member, no unprejudiced perfon, we conceive, could be fo fenfelefs as to deny, that it cannot poffibly be difcharged without attendance in Parliament; and, therefore, any one who purposely abfents himself is guilty of a breach of his duty. The proper punishment for fuch a breach is expulfion; and it is matter of astonishment to us, that no petition has been prefented to the House, praying that a law might be paffed, by virtue of which this punishment might be inflicted on all voluntary abfentees, who, from caprice, difappointment, or perfonal pique, should obftinately perfift in depriving the people of the lawful number of their reprefentatives. It is evident that, if one member have a right to abfent himself, every member must have the fame right; and, admitting the existence of the right, and of a general difpofition to exercise it, the people might be left entirely without representatives, and the King without the councils affigned him by the conftitution. We are aware. indeed, of the remedy that might be applied to fuch an evil by the diffolution of the Parliament;-but where the evil is only partial, there ought to be fome speedy and effectual means for removing it. We are not aware that any fuch means we except a call of the House-do exift at prefent, though it seem but reasonable that the power which can convene a Parliament should have the ability to enforce the attendance of its members-otherwife the right of convention is nugatory. The neceffity of difcuffing this question has feldom occurred; for when a member has chofen to abfent himfelf from Parliament, he has, generally, had the decency to vacate his feat, and thereby to afford the people an opportunity of electing another reprefentative who would difcharge. his duty. But the rage for innovation is, unfortunately, fo prevalent in the prefent age, that we in vain fearch the records of past times for precedents for the conduct and language of many of our public characters.

The obfervations of our author on the motives which induced the feceffion of Mr. Fox, are not more fpirited than juft; and the contrast between the profeffions of that gentleman at the period of his election and his fubfequent conduct, is exhibited in a proper point of view. "Mr. Fox, too, had the merit of feceding at a time, when the presence of every member was demanded by the critical fituation of the country. The navy was in the most alarming state of mutiny, and the falvation of the kingdom depended upon the measures to be purfued for reftoring its difcipline. Where was Mr. Fox? He was enjoying otium cum dignitate at St. Ann's Hill!" In

this ftrain our author proceeds to fhew where Mr. Fox was, and where he ought to have been. When the House, on the rupture of the laft negociation, avowed their abhorrence of the perfidious conduct of the French, and their determination to fupport their Sovereign, "Mr. Fox was declaiming, at the Shakspeare, upon the fabulous massacre at Tranent, and complimenting Meff. Erfkine* and Ferguson, one upon his knowledge, the other upon his violation, of the laws of his country!When the thanks of Parliament were voted to the gallant Duncan, for his glorious defeat of the Dutch, and nothing was heard but the voice of joy and triumph, "Mr. Fox was fhooting at Norfolk." But no fooner did an opportunity occur for raising a clamour in the kingdom by mifreprefenting the measures adopted by government for raifing the fupplies of the year, than Mr. Fox" eagerly abandoned the comforts of domeftic retirement, the feftivities of the Whig Club, and the sports of the field, and ordered the party to attend.

Some pertinent remarks occur (in pp. 9 and 10) on Mr. Sheridan's parliamentary conduct, but we think the author fhould have dwelt more ftrongly on the very flagrant circumftance of the pledge given by the Oppofition to fupport the Government, in cafe the French fhould refufe to make peace on fair and equitable terms-a pledge which they have not yet had the honefty to redeem, and the non-redemption of which, -while it involves, at once, a breach of honour and of duty,→ deprives them of all pretenfions to credit, in future.

Among the obfervations on Mr. Sheridan's fpeech, on the 14th of December, 1797, the following are worthy of notice:

"The affertions relative to the origin and continuance of the war are not to be argued, but flatly contradicted. The leaders of every party in France juftly and truly afcribe the war to the madness of each other; minifters never refused to treat with France for being a republic; minifters did not break off the negociation, and the war is continued, because the Directory will not renew it, till we relinquish all our conquests, not as the price of peace, but merely for permiffion to treat.

It is generally fuppofed that Mr. Erskine was the projector of the notable feceffion of the party-a project not unworthy of a modern conftitutional lawyer. The motive afcribed to this prince of egotists favours more of ingenuity than difintereftedness. Confcious of his inability to fupport, in Parliament, the character which he had acquired at the Bar, and learning, from experience, that the artifices which fucceed at the latter are totally inefficient in the former, he is faid to have advifed the party to fecede, and to change the fcene of their deliberations to a tavern, where, he wifely concluded, the dif play of his eloquence would not be fubjected to fimilar impediments, nor expofed to fimilar interruptions. REVIEWER. C 2

But,

"But, at all events, nine worthless minifters ftand between the nation and peace, and if they were removed, any nine men between London and Windfor could terminate the war. This is as little to be doubted, as if they were felected from the crouded ranks of oppofition. At the head of the treafury let us place the prince of patriots, the noble minded Duke of Bedford; who contributes to the exigencies of the ftate by wearing no powder, and forgetting to make a just return of his fervants and horfes; who keeps the gentlemen of his neighbourhood at a dignified distance, and harangues with Thelwall from a ftage in Palace Yard, and with a taylor from a waggon at Cambridge. His wonderful brothers, the Lords John and William Ruffell, who are certainly as well qualified for one office as another, joint fecretaries to his Grace.

"Mr. Fox, from his great abilities, is an administration in himself; but he perhaps would be contented with really controuling the whole, and oftenfibly taking one fecretaryfhip. Mr. Grey, appointed to the fecond, would fecure to us the bleffings of univerfal fuffrage and annual elections. And if the third were fuffered to remain, Mr. Whitbread might recall the modern Cato, Mr. Fytche Palmer, from Botany Bay, and restore to us the loft liberty of speech and of the prefs. General Tarlton's habits of bufinefs and defeat of Morgan at the Cowpens, entitle him to the war-office. Mr. Sturt, who was a midshipman at leaft a year, and a friend to the mutineers, goes, of course, to the admiralty. The Marquis of Landfdowne, with Mr. Fox's leave, prefident of the council; if not, the Earl, I forget his title, who wanted to be fheriff of London, and belongs to the Needlemaker's company. The lawyer, who is the theme of Mr. Erfkine's daily panegyric, lord chancellor; and Mr. Sheridan, whofe integrity in all money matters is equal to his punctuality, and whofe refources are inexhauftible, chancellor of the exchequer."

The arrogant declaration of Mr. Fox, that he will never condefcend to come into power, until the people of this country fhall have given up their own principles and opinions and adopted his, is very properly reprobated; and his "proud pretenfions" are inveftigated in a brief review of his public conduct, which we lament, our limits will not suffer us to tranfcribe. It exhibits a scene of political profligacy, scarcely to be paralleled, even in modern times!

After this review, the author thus concludes his remarks"Such, amongst a thousand others equally meritorious, are the fervices of Mr. Fox, and fortified with thefe, he clamours for a radical reform, before he will deign to attend his duty, before he will condefcend to govern the kingdom of England. He has at laft (and much we are bound to thank him for it) fairly spoken out, and we now know his terms. We know alfo that he is pledged to a repeal of the alien bill, of the traiterous correfpondence bill, of the treafon and fedition bills,

* "His Grace has been furcharged for 25 fervants and

17 horfes."

and

and of the test and corporation acts, and to a fweeping reform in parliament, directly hoftile to every principle of the conftitution.

"When these, and a few other, trifling obstacles are removed, which, as the young, the wife, and virtuous Lord Holland fays, may be done in an hour; instead of our old constitution, which, the same wife and virtuous young man afferts, is departed and dead, a fabric, noble and durable, and productive of the fame happy confequences as the first of the French, might in an hour or two more be erected upon the foundation of human integrity. Change after change would fucceed with the fame rapidity as the phantoms of royalty in Macbeth, or the fugitive forms of government in France, till all was confummated in the ftability and perfection of two councils and an executive directory.

"Tyranny, ariftocracy, and property, would then be extinguished for ever, fin would be ftruck down like an ox, and iniquity's throat cut like a calf; all the realm fhould be in common, in Cheapfide our palfries go to gras, St. Paul's be converted into a temple of reafon, St. Stephen's into a national theatre, and the man of the people, appointed protector of the republic, one and indivifible, would perpetuate to us and our lateft pofterity, all the benefits and bleffings of a radical reform."

The style of this tract is, in general, eafy and perfpicuous, but not uniformly correct. In the note to P. 9. a grammatical error occurs; and the typographical errors are numerous indeed.

ART. III. Letter of Thomas Paine to the People of France and the French Armies, on the Event of the 18th Fructidor, (Sept 4) and its Confequences. Paris, at the Printingoffice of the Social Circle. 1797. The Sixth Year of the French Republic. 8vo. Pp. 33.

WE

WE are indebted for the only copy, we conceive, of this extraordinary publication now in England, to the kindness of a gentleman, who did us the honour to believe that, by our means, it might be rendered inftrumental to the promotion of a beneficial purpofe. We fhall endeavour to deferve his good opinion; and we accordingly avail ourselves of the earliest opportunity for communicating a knowledge of the work to the public.

Before Mr. PAINE enters on the immediate fubject of the event mentioned in his title-page, he deems it neceffary to take a view of the last new conftitution of France, as established in the autumn of 1795. In doing this, however, he carefully abstains from all allufion to the very extraordinary circumftances which marked the birth of this new 66 monument of human happiness and human wifdom." The forced reelection of two-thirds of the old Convention, and the maf

facre of the Parifians for daring to affert the freedom of election, as fecured to them by the new conftitutional code itself, are paffed over in total filence by this modern reformer, who magnifies every fortuitous abuse, and dwells, with enthufiaftic rancour, on every trifling defect, which his malevolent eye can difcover in a monarchical form of government.

It has been juftly remarked, that all imputed fervility of courtiers falls very far fhort of the abject bafenefs of the modern advocates of democracy. The moft defpotic monarch, indeed, never received fuch fulfome adulation from his dependents as were lavished on the fanguinary tyrant, Robespierre, by the regicides and republicans, the levellers and citizens, of France. One inftance, among a thoufand, will be fufficient to establish the truth of this affertion. When Robespierre, some time after the abolition of all forms of worship, found it dangerous any longer to perfift in thwarting the religious prejudices of the nation, he caufed the Convention to proclaim, by a folemn decree, their formal acknowledgement of the existence of a Supreme Being. This event was celebrated, with every demonstration of joy, by the wretched inhabitants of that degraded country, who feemed to regard it as an important conceffion, which demanded the warmest commendations, and called for the deepest gratitude, on their part, David, the painter, who has rendered himself particularly confpicuous during the whole progrefs of the revolution, and whofe talents have been employed to record its most fanguinary atchievements, as the triumphs of republican virtue, determined not to display less zeal than his fellow-citizens on this interesting occafion. He accordingly painted a picture, in commemoration of the event, in which he actually gave to THE DEITY the very countenance of Robespierre!!! Thomas Paine, actuated by the fame vile fpirit, feems anxious to pursue the fame path; but the object of his idolatry is not a French tyrant or affaflin, but the French conftitution, which may be confidered as the offspring of both. He characterizes it in the following fhort but comprehenfive fentence-" A better organized conftitution has never yet been devised by human wisdom: it is, in its organization, free from all the vices and defects to which other forms of government are more or lefs fubject." It will be acknowledged, that adulation cannot be carried much farther.

"By arranging the legislative body into two divifions, as is done in the French conftitution, the one the Council of Five Hundred, whofe part it is to conceive and propofe laws; the other, a Council of Ancients, to review, approve, or reject the laws propofed, all fecurity is given that can arise from coolness of reflection acting upon, and correcting, the precipitancy